Colorado Constitution

Merry Christmas from Clear The Bench Colorado!

Merry Christmas from Clear The Bench Colorado!

nola_christmas

In the spirit of the season today, no commentary or analysis on Colorado Supreme Court rulings that have taken money out of your pocketeroded your constitutional rights, or usurped the powers of other branches of government.  No comparisons of the Mullarkey Majority to the Grinch Who Stole Christmas

Matt and celebrity spokespup Nola (above) just want to wish everyone a happy time at their not-yet-seized-by-eminent-domain homes and a safe, painless drive in their FASTER-taxed cars to Grandma’s house (assuming she can still afford the increased taxes to live there, for now and in Christmas future).  Be merry and don’t think about taxes for now (although they’ll beat you up if you don’t hand it over).

Enjoy your Christmas present, but please act to save your Christmas future -

Continue to support Clear The Bench Colorado with comments (Sound Off!) and contributions.
Freedom isn’t free – nor is it always easy to be a Citizen, not a subject.

Ultimately, though – it’s worth the effort.

Friday Funnies: …and a Leftist Judiciary! (reprise, again)

Welcome to the 2012 Christmas edition of the Clear The Bench Colorado Friday Funnies!

Another tumultuous year has come and gone for the Colorado judiciary – and once again, Colorado Citizens and taxpayers have been hammered by the gavels of Colorado judges pounding their personal preferences over the will of the people – and the rule of law.

Last year closed with Colorado courts deciding the boundaries for Congressional districts (after the state senate reprised the 2000 playbook of abdicating responsibility to send it to the courts) and state legislative districts (following the Colorado Reapportionment Commission’s public hearings on re-setting the boundaries of our state legislative districts over the summer), both of which played a prominent role in determining Colorado’s electoral destiny in 2012.

Colorado courts were also a central battlefield for Education policy, as one Denver District judge threw out Douglas County’s attempts to enable greater school choice, and another Denver District judge declared the state system of funding schools “unconscionable” while advancing the power of the courts to determine “proper” levels of school funding (despite the Constitution’s delegation of that power to the legislative branch) – although that decision is likely to be overturned after an expensive – and long - appeal to the Colorado Supreme Court.

The first stages of the court appeal seeking to preserve school choice concluded last month (Nov 2012) with oral arguments before the Colorado Court of Appeals (a ruling by the 3-judge panel isn’t expected until early next year, most likely late January or February).

Meanwhile, the ‘Lobato’ school funding lawsuit – called the “Super Bowl of school funding litigation” – continues to slog its way through the courts as well.

Earlier in the year, after two years of legislative inaction failed to repeal or roll back the unconstitutional and unpopular tax increase, the ‘FASTER’ Colorado Car Tax was challenged in court as a violation of the Colorado state Constitution (specifically, Article X, Section 20 – Taxpayer’s Bill of Rights, TABOR).

Another, wider-ranging challenge to TABOR is still being fought out in Federal court: the notorious “Fenster’s Folly” frivolous anti-TABOR lawsuit (which not only challenges TABOR in particular, but more generally citizens’ right to petition under a flawed reading of the “republican form of government” language in the Constitution’s “Guarantee Clause” (United States Constitution, Article IV, Section 4 – “The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of Government“) which multiple U.S. Supreme Court cases have ruled non-justiciable (meaning, not subject to determination by the courts).

One major ruling by the Colorado Supreme Court DID uphold the law – and the rights of Colorado citizens – when striking down the University of Colorado’s illegal gun ban (March 2012).  Unfortunately,  the CU administration (backed by the CU Board of Regents) moved almost immediately to circumvent the court’s ruling and continue to violate state law by promulgating policies banning guns in certain areas (not authorized by statute) and additional gun ban legislation (unfortunately backed by many on the CU Board of Regents) to further restrict and roll back hard-fought self-defense rights is coming.

Finally, to close out the year, the Colorado Supreme Court and Court of Appeals moved into the palatial new ‘Colorado Judicial Center’ (at significant taxpayer expense and incurring massive new “non-debt” debt, without required voter approval) just one week before closing for the holidays.

All of these issues were comprehensively documented by Clear The Bench Colorado over the last year – while the “mass media” and the majority of the state’s “news” organizations gave them short shrift.

Clear The Bench Colorado also continued the public service of providing comprehensive, well-referenced evaluations of judicial performance in 2012 – again, in contrast to the “official” taxpayer-funded “Blue Book” rubberstamp “reviews” disseminated at great expense (and, when put out at polling locations, in violation of state law) by the Colorado Office of Judicial Performance Evaluation.

Although remaining mindful that what’s at stake – holding our judiciary accountable for serial violations of our constitutional rights (to vote on taxes, even when taxes are called “fees”defend our property against unjust seizurebear arms in self-defense; and too many others to list) is serious business, all work and no play makes Matty a dull boy.

Although still awaiting payment over two year later after “Colorado Ethics Watch” (CEW, pronounced “sue” – it’s what they do) was once again ordered to pay Clear The Bench Colorado thousands of $ in legal fees (owed since the judge’s original ruling in July 2010 found CEW’s complaint to be “frivolous, groundless, & vexatious”) brings a rueful chuckle, the following video (even if focused on the national level) elicited a hearty laugh:

…and a Leftist Judiciary!

While still afflicted with the (black-robed) ghosts of Christmas past in our Christmas present, we can still act to save our Christmas future. Continue to support Clear The Bench Colorado with comments (Sound Off!) and contributions. Freedom isn’t free – nor is it always easy to be a Citizen, not a subject.

Ultimately, though – it’s worth the effort.

Colorado Supreme Court, Court of Appeals move into palatial new digs at the Ralph L. Carr Colorado Judicial Center

The Colorado Supreme Court and Colorado Court of Appeals take up residence in a brand-new, multi-million dollar facility a block away from the Colorado Capitol today (Wednesday, 19 December 2012) -
a mere two days before the “end of the world” supposedly “predicted” by the Mayan calendar.

The new “Judicial Center” is an impressive edifice (as shown in the picture below and in a photo gallery, both published by the Denver Post last week).

 

The demolition of the old court building in August 2010 was heralded by the Denver Post with another impressive front-page photo under the headline, “Make Room for Justice!“ along with a story inside (“Denver & The West” section – Colorado judicial building puts on show, disappears).  Interestingly, although the Post article noted the cost of the demolition ($850,000) it completely failed to mention the cost of the replacement “judicial complex” (possibly out of concern for the sensibilities of the Post’s largest paying tenant – the Colorado Supreme Court paid the Denver Newspaper Agency $1.6 Million per year over the last three years for their temporary ‘digs’ while the new complex was being built).

Interestingly, almost every other contemporary news report DID mention the cost to taxpayers
($258 million).

“Make Room for Justice” or “Justice Held For Ransom?”

Unfortunately, NONE of the news coverage provided any information on just where all of this money to fund the massive new “judicial complex” came from (ultimately, of course, from your pockets – but the details are interesting).

Part of the funding for the project (authorized back during the 2008 legislative session under SB08-206 State Justice Center) came from an unprecedented expansion in use of “Certificates of Participation” (in the words of a state legislator who shall remain nameless, “debt pretending not to be debt”).    In fact, the legislative language specifies that the debt is simply re-defined as ‘not-debt’ by declaring that

the obligations shall not be deemed or construed as creating an indebtedness of the state within the meaning of any provision of the state constitution or the laws of the state of Colorado concerning or limiting the creation of indebtedness by the state of Colorado and shall not constitute a multiple fiscal-year direct or indirect debt or other financial obligation of the state within the meaning of section 20 (4) of article X of the state constitution. [SB08-206, Section 2, (2) (b), page 5]

Former Colorado Treasurer Cary Kennedy was so proud of the ‘not-debt’ incurred to finance the construction of the new judicial complex (and new state history museum) that she trumpeted the great ‘success’ in a press release:

The successful financing of over $338 million in Certificates of Participation earlier today to build the new Colorado History Center and the Ralph L. Carr Justice Complex completed one of the largest sales of Build America Bonds to date, announced State Treasurer Cary Kennedy

“Crazy on Court Fees”

However, by far the greatest proportion of funding for the new judicial complex comes in the form of increasing the cost of access to justice by Colorado citizens due to substantial increases (including the creation of an entirely new category – the “Justice Center Fund” fee) in court fees.

Want to file a case in civil court, defend yourself against a claim, petition to change your name, or request a civil protection order?  It’ll cost you an extra $37 for the “Justice Center Fund” – per filing.  Small claims court filings?  An extra $11 for the “Justice Center Fund”, thank you.

Oh, and that’s just in your local county court – which may be hundreds of miles away from the recently completed “Mullarkey Monument” (actually, even the legislature reportedly balked at naming the center after Mullarkey when some legislators dug in their heels and insisted upon another name; honoring former Republican Governor Ralph L. Carr – truly, a principled politician – but naming the center after him is a rather ironic twist).  Need access to justice at the District Court level or higher?  Be prepared to cough up even more in “fees” for the ”Justice Center Fund” – most actions in District Court now cost an additional $68 for the fund, some as much as another $136 or even $204 each, at any of the various District Courts (22 in all) across Colorado, still miles from the as-yet unbuilt Colorado Judicial Complex.

Even “domestic relations” cases across the state are now more expensive thanks to the ”Justice Center Fund” fees – legal separation, annulment, divorce will each cost another $26; child custody registration or child support order, another $15 just for financing the construction of the massive new judicial complex.

Death in the family?  That’ll cost you extra, too – another $15 ”Justice Center Fund” fee for probate filings, estate fees, conservatorship, etc. etc.  Anywhere in the state – all of Colorado now enjoys the privilege of contributing to this marvelous new edifice.

Even an “insufficient funds” return check fee for court payments (already $40, which is double what any private entity is allowed to charge) gets another $10 fee tacked on for the ”Justice Center Fund” (truly, adding insult to injury).

Need to fight a case up to a higher court?  Pretty much ANY actions at the Colorado Court of Appeals now costs an additional $68 fee for that ”Justice Center Fund.”  Water Court?  Same story – almost every activity listed incurs an additional $68 for the ”Justice Center Fund” (some activities, such as applying for Change of Water Right or Plan for Augmentation, cost double – $136).

Ironically, the ONLY court where you WON’T have to pay an extra ”Justice Center Fund” fee to pursue justice?  You guessed it – the Colorado Supreme Court, who’s “home” is being financed by all these “fees” in the first place.

(View the full list of Colorado Court Fees – featuring the ”Justice Center Fund” fee)

It has been said that “if you’re not outraged, you’re not paying attention.”  Since “fees” are only supposed to be charged to offset the cost of providing or administering a voluntarily accessed good or service, the proliferation of new “fees” to finance the construction of palatial new digs for the Colorado Supreme Court – holding the administration of justice at county and District courts across the state hostage to this massive new monument to judicial supremacy – is questionable at best, particularly at a time when state resources are already strained and Colorado Citizens are being forced to cut back on personal spending.  Aren’t we supposed to be asked before the government in Colorado can take more of our hard-earned dollars?  Perhaps that’s why the Colorado Supreme Court’s majority decision in the 2008 Barber v. Ritter “Fees aren’t really taxes” case – expanding the use of “fees” by government entities across the state as a means of evading constitutional protections against tax increases – carries the taint of self-interest.

Clear The Bench Colorado will, with your support, continue to promote transparency and accountability in the Colorado judiciary, informing the public to increase awareness of the substantial public policy implications of an unrestrained activism and political agendas in the courts.  We will continue to work to educate voters and provide information of relevance related to the judicial branch, and to provide useful and substantive evaluations of judicial performance.

However, we can’t do it alone –  we need your continued support; via your comments (Sound Off!) and, yes, your contributions.  Freedom isn’t free -nor is it always easy to be a Citizen, not a subject.

Ultimately, though – it’s worth the effort.

 

CTBC Analysis of Oral Arguments in Douglas County School Choice Voucher Program at Colorado Court of Appeals

The Colorado Court of Appeals held oral arguments yesterday (Monday, 19 November) on a challenge to Denver District Court Judge Michael Martinez’ ruling in the Douglas County Choice Scholarship Program trial.  The appeal, led by the Douglas County School Board and joined by the state of Colorado and several affected families, was held at the Colorado Supreme Court/Colorado Court of Appeals hearing room at  100 W. Colfax Avenue, Denver 80202 (the Denver Post building).

In that ruling, Judge Martinez decreed that the Douglas County Choice Scholarship Program violated multiple sections of the Colorado Constitution (Article IX, Section 7 Aid to Private Schools, Churches, Sectarian Purpose, ForbiddenArticle IX, Section 8 Religious Test and Race Discrimination Forbidden Sectarian Tenets, and Article II, Section 4, Religious Freedom) as well as the state school financing act.

Monday’s oral arguments before the Colorado Court of Appeals, in which each side had 30 minutes to make their case, were recorded and posted online shortly after the hearing.

Attorney for the appellants (Douglas County School Board) Eric Hall opened with a description of the school choice scholarship program that touched upon the key legal issues at the heart of the appeal:

The program offers an additional educational choice to students who have been enrolled in Douglas County Public Schools for at least a year.  No family must participate in it; and it in no way hurts the opportunity of any student to receive a free public education.

Key points:

  • additional educational choice (not replacing constitutionally mandated “free public education”)
  • no family must participate (program participation is non-compulsory)
  • no harm to or diversion of resources from existing system of free public education

Hall continued:

Through the Choice program, the district offers aid to parents, on a neutral basis, without regard to religion. As a neutral program, it neither favors nor disfavors any private school, religious or non-religious.

Key Point:
The test of constitutionality established in the 2002 U.S. Supreme Court Zelman case allows education vouchers to be used for schools including religious schools IF the overall program is neutral towards religion and IF the choice to attend religious schools is entirely left up to the parent:

This Court’s jurisprudence makes clear that a government aid program is not readily subject to challenge under the Establishment Clause if it is neutral with respect to religion and provides assistance directly to a broad class of citizens who, in turn, direct government aid to religious schools wholly as a result of their own genuine and independent private choice. See, e.g., Mueller v. Allen, 463 U. S. 388. Under such a program, government aid reaches religious institutions only by way of the deliberate choices of numerous individual recipients. The incidental advancement of a religious mission, or the perceived endorsement of a religious message, is reasonably attributable to the individual aid recipients not the government, whose role ends with the disbursement of benefits.

The fact that the program disburses funds directly to the parent, to use towards any school they choose, also addresses the Colorado constitutional prohibition on “direct aid” to religious institutions (Article IX, Section 7 Aid to Private Schools, Churches, Sectarian Purpose, Forbidden) since the aid is to the parent/student, not directly to the school.

Hall then addressed the provisions of Colorado’s School Finance Act, highlighting the aspect of local control (Section 104(1)(a)):

Finance Act funds flow to local districts… the amounts and purposes for which such Finance Act means are budgeted and expended shall be in the discretion of the district.

Key Point: 
The Douglas County School Board has the statutory authority to decide on how to allocate school funding dollars within the district.

[At this point, Judge Jones asked if the School Finance Act provided for standing of individuals to bring suit under the provisions of the Act; Hall responded that the Act does not provide such standing (indeed, explicitly rejects it) and noted that Denver District Court Judge Michael Martinez had erred in allowing individuals standing to bring a Finance Act claim.]

Hall then characterized opposition to the School Choice Scholarship program as being based on objections to the fact that

private and religious schools can participate… they assert public funds can’t be spent in this way.

Hall noted that a 1982 Colorado Supreme Court case (Americans United) held that “public funds can be spent at private and religious schools by means of a neutral program of private choice.”

[Judge Jones then brought up a question (based on a number of cases, including Lemon, Weaver, and Mitchell) concerning the "influence of overtly religious education on younger kids... being inconsistent with what we want to do with public monies."

Hall responded that, based on the Weaver case, "any sort of indoctrination doctrine is not only discarded, but unconstitutional" (as a 1st Amendment violation)]

Hall concluded by noting that the court “should apply the Zelman test” – with “genuine private choice” as the key criterion, recognizing that any incidental benefits to institutions with a religious character are attributable to parent choice, not impermissibly mandated by the program itself, and noted the existence of several state programs providing funds to schools with a religious component:

“Public funds can and do flow to institutions with a religious component” under current state practice and law.

Plaintiffs attorneys divided their time in oral arguments between addressing constitutional/religious issues and School Finance Act issues.

Attorney Matt Douglas first addressed the constitutional/religious objections to the Douglas County School Choice Scholarship program.

Douglas began by asserting that the program violates several specific articles of the Colorado Constitution with respect to the establishment of religion.  He further asserted that the appellants “must prove that the trial court was wrong on ALL of the constitutional provisions” to overturn that court’s judgment.

Douglas stated that the Colorado Constitution “specifically prohibits state funding of religious education” (under Article IX, Section 7 Aid to Private Schools, Churches, Sectarian Purpose, Forbidden and Article II, Section 4, Religious Freedom).

Douglas characterized the routing of educational aid through a charter school construct and via direct disbursement to the parents as a “sham” designed to “get around the plain language of the Colorado Constitution.”

[Judge Graham at this point asked, "Isn’t this program facially neutral?"  (When told "no" he followed with "can the court inquire as to nature of religious beliefs if the program is facially neutral?  Isn't that exactly what the trial court did?") . Graham questioned whether the trial court's reliance on “pervasiveness of indoctrination” for judgment  was constitutionally permissible.]

Douglas argued that the court “can & should” render judgment on this basis, that the trial court viewed “whether sectarian tenets are being taught, period” which he said is allowed under federal case law.

Douglas noted that the trial court found that funds for tuition does constitute “aid to schools” (impermissible under the Colorado Constitution, Article IX Section 7).

[Judge Jones interjected at this point that the same kind of program was found NOT to constitute "aid to schools" in the Zelman ruling.]

Douglas countered that if ANY of the schools in the program don’t “admit all” regardless of religion, then the entire program is discriminatory.

 

Attorney Michael McCarthy addressed the public school finance issues and School Finance Act for the Plaintiffs

McCarthy opened by asserting that the purpose and intent of constitutional and statutory provisions for public school finance is to “prevent depletion of public school finance resources” – arguing that the Douglas County School Choice Scholarship program “will gut public school finance in Colorado” and, if allowed to proceed, would grow beyond the initial limited scope and “operate to materially deplete financing available to public schools” not only in Douglas County, but throughout the state.

Judge Graham again raised the issue of standing, noting the absence of explicit language allowing individual standing in the School Finance Act and asking

if we allow standing in private citizens, aren’t we really allowing them to be substitute Boards of Education?”

McCarthy responded that “no express cause of action is needed – other avenues exist” and that ultimately, standing was predicated on the test established by Justice Rovira,

“did plaintiff incur injury in fact, related to a constitutional right?”

The majority of the remainder of McCarthy’s time was taken up with a discussion on whether or not funding was diverted to or from other school districts, and whether students leaving the Douglas County public schools constituted a net loss (in funding) to the district. (Judges Graham and Jones, in particular, seemed skeptical).

McCarthy concluded by proclaiming,

Choice isn’t the preeminent constitutional value in this case – or in this state.

He argued that the School Finance Act requires a specific spending formula, and that a transfer of 75% of the per-pupil funding to students attending private schools constitutes an “illegal transfer” since the private schools are ‘not public, not free & uniform, not subject to local control.”

 Oral arguments concluded with rebuttal by appellants’ attorney Eric Hall.

Hall noted that the trial court had ruled in favor of plaintiffs on Article IX Sections 2 and 15; however, Article IX Section 3 creates a “trust obligation” to school districts – which can spend funds as they like (within discretion).

Hall highlighted the absurdity of insisting that “public funds can ONLY be spent on public schools” -
if true, then NO expenditures to private entities (including contracting services on everything from janitorial to legal services) would be allowable.  School districts, he continued, “can and do buy services from private entities.”

Analysis:

Based on the body of evidence and argument presented at yesterday’s hearings and throughout the appeals process, the trial court’s ruling appears likely to be overturned, in whole or in part.  On the (admittedly esoteric) issue of standing to bring claims under the School Finance Act, it was clear that a majority (if not all) of the judges were skeptical at best, making it likely that those claims will be disallowed (rendering the trial court’s judgment in those areas moot).

On the core constitutional issues (respecting religious freedom and prohibiting public funds for support or sustaining of sectarian institutions), governing case law (from the 2002 U.S. Supreme Court Zelman case to the 1982 Colorado Supreme Court Americans United case and several others touched upon in filings and at argument) is clear that so long as the overall program is facially neutral (containing neither preferences for or against either secular or religious schools) and that school funds are spent in pursuit of education meeting secular criteria under local district control, the choice of individual students (parents) to attend schools with a religious component does NOT constitute “support” of the institution (nor, since the choice to attend a given school is left to individual program participants, does it “compel” sectarian attendance).

Moreover, since the program merely provides an additional choice among several options as an expansion to (not replacement of) the existing constitutionally mandated system of “free public education” and does not result in a net loss to the public system’s funding (indeed, it results in a 25% per-pupil surplus to the district), claims of damage under the School Finance Act lack justification.

The court’s ruling (to be issued “in due course”) will most likely be published in February or March of next year.

Since both sides in the case have signaled their intent to appeal if not satisfied with the verdict, the ultimate resolution of the case will fall to the Colorado Supreme Court – most likely (the wheels of justice grind slowly) in another year or more.

 Additional References:

For another analysis of yesterday’s oral arguments (with more emphasis on policy implications over legal issues), read Education Policy Analyst Ben DeGrow’s superb summary.

Click here for a comprehensive review of the Douglas County Choice Scholarship Program (including program information, video and audio interview and news clips, news and commentary highlights and links to many legal documents in the case)

Colorado Court of Appeals to hear oral arguments in Douglas County school voucher program case Monday (19 Nov 2012)

The Colorado Court of Appeals will hear oral arguments Monday afternoon (19 November 2012) on the Douglas County school voucher program that was stopped (via permanent injunction) by Denver District Court Judge Michael Martinez in a controversial ruling (Larue v. Douglas County) in August 2011.

In that ruling, Judge Martinez decreed that the Douglas County Choice Scholarship Program violated multiple sections of the Colorado Constitution (Article IX, Section 7 Aid to Private Schools, Churches, Sectarian Purpose, Forbidden, Article IX, Section 8 Religious Test and Race Discrimination Forbidden Sectarian Tenets, and Article II, Section 4, Religious Freedom) as well as the state school financing act.

Martinez appears to have disregarded governing constitutional precedent established in the 2002 Zelman v. Simmons-Harris case, which established the constitutionality of school vouchers even for schools with a religious component if the choice is up to the parent:

This Court’s jurisprudence makes clear that a government aid program is not readily subject to challenge under the Establishment Clause if it is neutral with respect to religion and provides assistance directly to a broad class of citizens who, in turn, direct government aid to religious schools wholly as a result of their own genuine and independent private choice. See, e.g., Mueller v. Allen, 463 U. S. 388. Under such a program, government aid reaches religious institutions only by way of the deliberate choices of numerous individual recipients. The incidental advancement of a religious mission, or the perceived endorsement of a religious message, is reasonably attributable to the individual aid recipients not the government, whose role ends with the disbursement of benefits.

A contemporaneous Colorado Springs Gazette editorial (“Backward voucher ruling favors oppression“) was a scathing indictment of Denver District judge Michael Martinez’ ruling to stop the Douglas County school choice program via permanent injunction, calling it “a decision to segregate and oppress,” also noting that voucher programs do NOT violate the U.S. Constitution’s Establishment Clause:

 In Colorado, education money attaches to children. With each child who enrolls, a public school gets more than $6,000 for the year.

Vouchers issue the money to parents. At that point, the money belongs to the parent and child. They are free to spend it at almost any accredited school, religious or otherwise.

The key point – that educational choice belongs to the parent, not to the government (especially, not to the courts) – bears repeating:

 Once state money is converted to a voucher and given to a child, it’s no longer the government’s. It belongs to the child, who is subject to the will of a parent or guardian. Parents and guardians have the right to choose whether their children are schooled in secular or religious settings.

Bottom Line:
The Douglas County case also touches upon important constitutional issues such the separation of powers between branches and levels of government, establishment of religion, and collection and allocation of tax dollars, but ultimately comes down to a very basic and fundamental issue:
who decides how to educate Colorado’s children?

Clear The Bench Colorado believes that the decision should be in the hands of parents – NOT in the hands of the courts.

Cases such as this highlight the importance of fair and impartial courts and of judges who exercise proper restraint (in accordance with the rule of law) in considering (let alone deciding) issues of policy more appropriate for the elected, representative branches of government.  Our courts have an important – even vital – role to play in our society and system of government.  This is not it.

Clear The Bench Colorado will, with your support, continue to promote transparency and accountability in the Colorado judiciary, informing the public to increase awareness of the substantial public policy implications of an unrestrained activism and political agendas in the courts.  We will continue to work to educate voters and provide information of relevance related to the judicial branch, and to provide useful and substantive evaluations of judicial performance.

However, we can’t do it alone –  we need your continued support; via your comments (Sound Off!) and, yes, your contributions.  Freedom isn’t free -nor is it always easy to be a Citizen, not a subject.

Ultimately, though – it’s worth the effort.

Districting, not Demographic Shifts, Determines Colorado’s Electoral Destiny

The influence of district boundaries on electoral results has long been recognized (adding new words to the political lexicon) – making the fight for control of the decennial redistricting process (for both state legislative and Congressional districts) both bitterly partisan and hard-fought.

In Colorado,  the process for determining both Congressional and state legislative district boundaries has, for decades, been dominated by the courts – specifically, the perennially and predictably partisan Colorado Supreme Court.

Ultimately, no other factor better explains the relative electoral successes of both parties in Colorado over the last decade (or longer) in gaining legislative seats than the (re)districting process, nor more strikingly highlights the role of Colorado’s courts in “playing” (instead of refereeing) electoral politics.

The following article was published as a guest commentary in the Colorado Springs Gazette on Wednesday, 14 November 2012.

 

Colorado’s Election Outcome Was Determined Years Ago

(By Matt & Sarah Arnold)

A veritable plethora of pundits, former state party and elected officials, and other political operatives have been weighing in on the (to them, surprising) results of the 2012 elections in Colorado – which not only saw GOP losses in the two statewide races (President and CU Regent At-Large) but also ended the tenuous Republican majority in the State House, maintained the Democrat numbers in the State Senate, giving Democrats control of all branches of state government.

Many of them have “explained” the outcome (and their failure to predict election results) in Colorado as resulting from demographic shifts, gender gaps, or superior technology and tactics.

They are all wrong.

While the statewide candidates failed due to their inability to inspire support beyond straight party-line voters, the outcome of state legislative races was largely determined years ago.  The seeds of the 2012 Republican defeat were planted in 2010, germinated in December 2011, and were only harvested in November 2012 – all due to how district lines were drawn.  (For more information on this topic, search “reapportionment” on www.clearthebenchcolorado.org).

State legislative district reapportionment set the stage for Democrats to pick up seats in the State House, and hold their majority in the State Senate.  If anything can be said to have “determined” the outcome of the 2012 state legislative elections, this was it.

In fact, the state legislative election results were not only predictable – they were actually predicted.  Sarah Arnold, in her Elections 2012 forecast (published on 15 October 2012), correctly predicted the outcome of 91 out of 94 Colorado races (an additional 4 races were rated as “tossups”) based on a combination of numbers-crunching, knowledge of the candidates/campaigns, and political intuition (see PolitiGuru Elections 2012 on http://politigurugop.blogspot.com/p/2012-election.html).

As far back as 2009, Matt Arnold (Director of Clear The Bench Colorado) noted the importance of the former Chief Justice Mary Mullarkey’s appointments to the 2001 commission in setting the stage for the Democrat takeover of both legislative chambers through most of last decade; although in 2010, Republicans got more votes in all state House/Senate races combined (58% and 54%, respectively), those votes did not translate to actual seats (33/65 and 15/35, respectively).  Unfortunately for GOP electoral fortunes in Colorado, Republican Party “leadership” failed to grasp the strategic implications of this fact in 2010.

State legislative election results this year demonstrate the same trend.  In the 2012 state Senate races, GOP candidates garnered 43.5% of the total votes cast; proportional to the number of seats contested, this would have equaled 8.7 seats.  Instead, Republicans won only 7 seats (of 20).  In the House, GOP candidates received 48.5% of total votes cast; proportional to the number of seats contested, this would have equaled 32 seats: instead, Republicans won only 27 seats (of 65).
(Based on 8 Nov SOS numbers).

Clearly, there are other factors involved in the GOP’s performance (or lack thereof) in Colorado this year (ranging from individual candidate appeal to general messaging to media bias to technology lag to party organizational & leadership deficiencies, etc); however, demographic shifts (such as  the growing percentage of Hispanic voters in Colorado) fail to explain the consistently abysmal GOP performance at the state level (total GOP vote % in state legislative races has consistently hovered at the 48%/44% level for several electoral cycles, with the notable exception of the 10% spike to 58%/54% in the “Tea Party surge” of 2010).

If 2010 was an anomalous year, basing reapportionment on the numbers achieved that year would skew results, making districts appear more “Republican” than they have performed historically.

Bottom Line: even WITH the stars aligning for the GOP in 2010, due to state legislative (re)districting, seats won has lagged the percentage of votes received.  Because of the way the district lines are drawn, even “good-performance voting” years are bad (in seats won), and “bad-performance” years are worse. The 2012 state legislative electoral results are simply a reflection of, and return to, that reality.

Lack of leadership, and a dearth of strategic vision, has enabled the creation of an uneven playing field and led to a decade-long minority status in a state with more registered Republicans than Democrats, and a fairly right-of-center leaning block of unaffiliated voters – not impersonal (and inexorable) “demographic” changes.

(Matt Arnold is the founder and executive director of Clear The Bench Colorado, the state’s premier judicial accountability organization; Sarah Arnold is a political strategist and campaign consultant.)

Clear The Bench Colorado will, with your support, continue to promote transparency and accountability in the Colorado judiciary, informing the public to increase awareness of the substantial public policy implications of an unrestrained activism and political agendas in the courts.  We will continue to work to educate voters and provide information of relevance related to the judicial branch, and to provide useful and substantive evaluations of judicial performance.

However, we can’t do it alone –  we need your continued support; via your comments (Sound Off!) and, yes, your contributions.  Freedom isn’t free -nor is it always easy to be a Citizen, not a subject.

Ultimately, though – it’s worth the effort.

Clear The Bench Colorado helps Colorado voters “Know Your Judges” with substantive evaluations of judicial performance

[Clear The Bench Colorado Director Matt Arnold's article, below, was published Friday 26 October as a Guest Commentary by the Denver Post ("Evaluate the performance of Colorado judges before voting" in the Idea Log online opinion section, and in the Colorado Springs Gazette, in the Sunday 28 October print edition]

“Know Your Judges” with substantive evaluations of judicial performance

We the people are the rightful masters of both Congress and the courts, not to overthrow the Constitution but to overthrow the men who pervert the Constitution.
— Abraham Lincoln

As Coloradans prepare to cast their ballots in the 2012 elections, despite being bombarded with political ads, MOST voters have little to no information on up to a third of the people asking for their vote: our state’s 3rd Branch of government, the judges.

The official, government-sanctioned incumbent-protection “reviews” produced by the  state’s Commissions on Judicial Performance (published and disseminated, at taxpayer expense, in the “Blue Book”) fail to provide much (if any) substance behind the published “recommendations” (almost uniformly in favor of “retaining” judicial incumbents in office).  In that respect, the Blue Book “reviews” are little more than (taxpayer-funded) political ads for incumbents.

The Commissions on Judicial Performance (groups of political appointees charged with evaluating and reporting on the job performance of judicial incumbents) routinely fail to actually evaluate judicial job performance or provide adequate information sufficient for voters to base a decision.  Summarizing an incumbent’s resume and tabulating the results of surveys sent out to a select group of lawyers and other judges fails to answer the question posed to voters, “do they deserve another term – and why?

A Denver Post guest commentary by a former Judicial Performance commissioner (February 2010) noted,

There has been a failure of real performance evaluation and a lack of analytical content in the write-ups for the voters.
If narratives provide meaningful information about how a justice has decided cases, there will be accountability and the system will work as it is designed to do.  Too often in the past, narratives have amounted to complimentary resumes instead of job performance evaluations.  Some commentators and observers have denigrated the narratives as a “rubber stamp” exercise for retaining judges.

Why do we have political appointees (commissioners are appointed by the governor, attorney general, state legislators and the Chief Justice of the Colorado Supreme Court – the latter seeming to have a conflict of interest) telling Coloradans how to vote?

Colorado voters deserve better information on these unelected officials, who (usually with little notice) exert enormous influence over their lives.  For the second straight election cycle, Clear The Bench Colorado has researched and evaluated the performance of the appellate court (statewide) judges appearing on the 2012 ballot (1 Supreme Court justice, 6 Court of Appeals judges), collected inputs on district and county judges from around the state, and published this information in an easy-to-read “scorecard” format as a resource for Colorado voters.

Our courts rule on important issues that seriously impact all Colorado citizens, including:

View Clear The Bench Colorado’s Evaluations of Judicial Performance 2012 for substantive evaluations of judicial performance – to better “know your judges” before casting your vote this year. (http://www.clearthebenchcolorado.org/evaluations-2012/)

Hickenlooper appoints Navarro to Colorado Court of Appeals

The second time was the charm for Anthony Navarro, who was just appointed to the Colorado Court of Appeals by Governor John Hickenlooper to replace outgoing Judge Robert Russel, a former contender for Colorado Supreme Court justice (Navarro had previously applied for consideration to join the state’s frontline appellate court in 2008, with the endorsement of the Colorado Hispanic Bar Association).

Governor Hickenlooper selected Navarro from a pool of 3 nominees (Robert T. Fishman of Denver, Russell H. Granger of Georgetown, and Anthony Navarro of Denver) picked by the State Judicial Nominating Commission last month.

Mr. Navarro (effective 3 November, Judge Navarro) will serve as one of 22 judges on the Colorado Court of Appeals (who rule on cases in 3-judge panels).  His first term (considered a “provisional” term under the Colorado Constitution, Article VI Section 20) “expires” in 2014, when he will appear on the ballot for a “retention” vote:

A justice or judge appointed under the provisions of this section shall hold office for a provisional term of two years and then until the second Tuesday in January following the next general election.

Citizen participation in the judicial review and retention election process (either at the district level or statewide) is essential to ensuring that good judges – who understand that their role is to fairly and impartially uphold and apply the law – hold judicial office, instead of more politicians in black robes.

This is particularly important in reviewing the performance of statewide appellate court judges – many of whom all too frequently have exercised unrestrained power, in violation of constitutional limits on their authority, in order to advance a personal and/or political agenda.

Our judicial system depends more than any other branch of government on public trust and confidence that the law is being applied fairly and impartially for all citizens – that our judges are fulfilling their proper roles as referees upholding the rules rather than players attempting to score for their “team’s” agenda.

Our view: an informed citizenry and active citizen participation is vital in restoring accountability and transparency to the 3rd branch of state government, the judicial branch.

Clear The Bench Colorado will, with your support, continue to promote transparency and accountability in the Colorado judiciary, informing the public to increase awareness of the substantial public policy implications of an unrestrained activism and political agendas in the courts.  We will continue to work to educate voters and provide information of relevance related to the judicial branch, and to provide useful and substantive evaluations of judicial performance.

However, we can’t do it alone –  we need your continued support; via your comments (Sound Off!) and, yes, your contributions.  Freedom isn’t free -nor is it always easy to be a Citizen, not a subject.

Ultimately, though – it’s worth the effort.

Colorado Supreme Court asked by Federal judge to clarify state campaign finance laws

The Colorado Supreme Court has been asked to clarify the “scope and meaning” of Colorado campaign finance laws, in an order issued by a Federal judge earlier this week.  According to a statement issued by the Center for Competitive Politics,

Senior Judge John L. Kane of the United States Court for the District of Colorado asked the state Supreme Court to “provide clear guidance… as to the scope and meaning” of provisions that have been challenged under the First Amendment to the US Constitution.

The request for clarification to the Colorado Supreme Court was issued due to a lawsuit challenging the state’s campaign finance laws as an unconstitutional violation of free speech rights under the First Amendment.  The case, Coalition for Secular Government v. Gessler, No. 12-cv-1708, was filed in Federal court earlier this year.

Questions certified by the Federal judge (asked of the Colorado Supreme Court for clarification) include:

  •  Does the Colorado Constitution treat money spent on a policy paper, including one that suggests how the reader should vote on a ballot initiative, as the equivalent of money spent on political ads?
  • Does the state constitution entitle policy papers distributed over the internet to be treated in the same way as newspaper and magazine editorials for purposes of campaign finance law?
  • In light of a federal decision declaring certain groups too small to be regulated by the state of Colorado, what is the monetary trigger for an issue committee under the state constitution? Is it the roughly-$1,000 mentioned in the federal opinion? The $3,500 contemplated by CSG? The $200 mentioned in the constitution itself? Or another number altogether?

Colorado’s campaign finance laws are frequently used by well-funded special-interest groups as a tool to suppress political speech by grassroots organizations – facilitated by the odd fact that enforcement of the law is NOT prosecuted by the state, but rather by the individual (or organization) filing the complaint (effectively, it takes lawyers, time, and money to hold violators accountable for breaking the law).

Attempts at reforming Colorado’s campaign finance laws are invariably met with resistance from special-interest groups, many of whom are not subject to the same reporting and disclosure requirements that they support imposing on others.

Fortunately, some have fought for the preservation of political free speech, and have won some hard-fought victories in court.  One such recent court case originating in Colorado, Sampson v. Buescher, resulted in a Federal court (10th Circuit) holding certain sections of Colorado Constitution Article XXVIII in violation of the United States Constitution. Specifically, provisions of Article XXVIII (the $200 trigger on reporting contributions) were held to unduly burden the rights of free association and free speech protected under the 1st Amendment, among our most cherished rights.

The Center for Competitive Politics statement sums it up nicely:

“For years, organizations in Colorado have been unsure how to comply with Colorado’s campaign finance rules, or have been subject to politically-motivated complaints for making minor errors,” CCP Legal Director Allen Dickerson said. “Some choose not to speak at all in the face of this situation. The Colorado Supreme Court now has the option of bringing a measure of predictability to some of the state constitution’s more difficult provisions.”

Our View:

Clarification of the confusing cloud of campaign finance laws in Colorado that challenge the Constitution, chill free speech, and curtail civic participation is not only welcome – it’s long overdue.

Clear The Bench Colorado will, with your support, continue to promote transparency and accountability in the Colorado judiciary, informing the public to increase awareness of the substantial public policy implications of an unrestrained activism and political agendas in the courts.  We will continue to work to educate voters and provide information of relevance related to the judicial branch, and to provide useful and substantive evaluations of judicial performance.

However, we can’t do it alone –  we need your continued support; via your comments (Sound Off!) and, yes, your contributions.  Freedom isn’t free -nor is it always easy to be a Citizen, not a subject.

Ultimately, though – it’s worth the effort.

Lobato plaintiffs lobby Colorado Supreme Court in “Super Bowl of school funding litigation”

Plaintiffs in the ‘Lobato v. Colorado‘ school funding lawsuit filed a Motion last week urging the Colorado Supreme Court to uphold Denver District Judge Sheila Rappaport’s 9 Dec 2011 183-page ruling declaring Colorado’s system of school funding ”irrational and inadequate” in what a recent Denver Post article described as the ”Super Bowl of school funding litigation.”

With significant implications for the state budget, the case is a Super Bowl of school funding litigation [Ed: emphasis added] because if it can drastically change how lawmakers fund schools, or force the state to find additional revenue if the plaintiffs win. Their attorneys claim that schools are underfunded by an estimated $4 billion.

Governor Hickenlooper and Attorney General Suthers had earlier warned of “devastating” consequences for Colorado if the Lobato plaintiffs were successful in forcing additional school spending.

The lawsuit drew the bipartisan opposition of Governor Hickenlooper, Attorney General Suthers, and the State Board of Education (all joining in appealing Rappaport’s ruling last December).

The state Attorney General’s office has argued that Colorado has met its funding obligation. More than 40 percent of the general fund budget goes to K-12 education, and state attorneys argue that other departments will suffer if lawmakers are forced to allocate more money to schools.

The state’s response to the latest plaintiff’s filing is due in 3 weeks; the date for oral arguments has not yet been set.

Although the lawsuit (and Rappaport’s ruling) is likely to be overturned (thanks to the departure of former Chief Justice Mullarkey and the more recent resignation of Justice Alex Martinez, 2 of the original 4 votes keeping the Lobato lawsuit alive in 2009 are now gone), appealing the case will cost Colorado taxpayers plenty:

[Mike] Saccone [spokesman for the attorney general's office] said the legislature has appropriated up to $3.5 million to defend the state against the suit.

This educational-funding lawsuit (seeking to force even higher state educational spending by court order) represents yet another abuse of the courts for the pursuit of political ends – unfortunately aided and abetted by an all-too-complicit (and highly political) majority on the Colorado Supreme Court, which previously (October 2009) overturned two lower courts which had (correctly) dismissed the case (Lobato v. Colorado) as non-justiciable (meaning, a policy issue not to be decided by the courts).

If the courts are able to decide “the future of public education” by judicial fiat, Colorado citizens will have lost all control and accountability over our schools.

The issue of educational funding is NOT one for the courts, but rather for the legislature and/or local school boards. The Lobato lawsuit is a fiscal, legal, and political disaster in the making.

Read more about the Lobato school funding case in these articles:

The Attorney General’s office has also compiled a full list of key pleadings and court decisions in the Lobato case.

Cases such as Lobato – particularly Rappaport’s biased ruling – highlight the importance of fair and impartial courts and of judges who exercise proper restraint (in accordance with the rule of law) in considering – let alone deciding – issues of policy more appropriate for the elected, representative branches of government.  Our courts have an important – even vital – role to play in our society and system of government.  This is not it.

* Governor Hickenlooper responded to a question at a 13 December 2011 town hall event about Lobato that he was leaning towards an appeal, since the court’s ruling “clearly violated TABOR” and Colorado voters had recently rejected a tax increase purportedly targeted for education funding (Prop. 103).

The Constitution says we can’t raise taxes without a vote of the people – the people just voted specifically on more revenues for education, and the people pretty clearly voted 2-to-1 that this was a bad idea. So how can the courts say that we should do it?

Governor Hickenlooper clearly disagreed with Rappaport’s ruling, and clearly expects to win on appeal, since the alternative would plunge the state into a constitutional crisis:

“Let’s say that the Supreme Court agrees with the district court – if that’s the case, then we’ve got the Constitution versus the Supreme Court.”

Listen to audio remarks on the Lobato appeal

Clear The Bench Colorado will, with your support, continue to promote transparency and accountability in the Colorado judiciary, informing the public to increase awareness of the substantial public policy implications of an unrestrained activism and political agendas in the courts.  We will continue to work to educate voters and provide information of relevance related to the judicial branch, and to provide useful and substantive evaluations of judicial performance.

However, we can’t do it alone –  we need your continued support; via your comments (Sound Off!) and, yes, your contributions.  Freedom isn’t free -nor is it always easy to be a Citizen, not a subject.

Ultimately, though – it’s worth the effort.

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