Colorado Constitution
Colorado Car Tax (er, ‘FASTER’ vehicle registration “fee”) increase on trial this week
The Colorado Car Tax (er, “vehicle registration fee”) increase passed in 2009 (SB108, the so-called “FASTER” bill) is quite possibly THE most unpopular tax increase in Colorado history – made all the more repugnant by how it became law (exploiting a 2008 Colorado Supreme Court ruling which declared that “fees” don’t count as “taxes” to circumvent the constitutional requirement (under Colorado Constitution Article X, Section 20 – Taxpayer’s Bill of Rights, a.k.a. TABOR) to receive prior voter approval for any ‘policy change resulting in net revenue gain’ to the state).
After two years of legislative inaction failed to repeal or roll back the unconstitutional and unpopular tax increase, the ‘FASTER’ Colorado Car Tax was challenged in court as a violation of the Colorado state Constitution (specifically, Colorado Constitution Article X, Section 20 – Taxpayer’s Bill of Rights, TABOR).
That court challenge is on trial this week.
The court declined to grant Plaintiff’s Motion for Summary Judgment which was filed earlier this year, despite documenting the fact that the “”Colorado Bridge Enterprise” established under the FASTER legislation as a “TABOR-exempt business enterprise” (Ed. – see, “Life in the FASTER Lane – updates on the Colorado Car Tax“) fails to meet the constitutional standard to qualify for exemption from TABOR requirements.
Plaintiffs had the first shot at introducing and examining witnesses in the trial, which began Monday and continues into Wednesday (at least) this week.
Penn Pfiffner, in his capacity as Chairman of the TABOR Foundation and plaintiff, sent out an update to people on the TABOR Committee mailing list earlier today:
Five witnesses; two heroes.
Plaintiffs (us) get to go first. One central fiction to keep in mind is the scheme declares that as you drive over certain bridges on the highway system, you are paying tolls to do so; tolls which are collected through a “safety surcharge.” The first two witnesses were Ms. Chris Sammons and Willie Wharton who both explained that they had to register vehicles and therefore pay the bridge surcharge “fee,” although those specifically identified vehicles never cross a single bridge. They did you proud, providing testimony that was calm, convincing, certain, occasionally humorous, and very credible. To me, they are my newest heroes. Both took a day off, drove in from Grand County (think, from beyond the western border of Rocky Mountain National Park), leaving very early to get to Denver on time. Willie had to spend one of his vacation days to do so, and the trial managed to fall during the very busiest time of his professional year. Chris had to put aside the demands of her ranch and small businesses, and miss a school function for one of her two teenagers. These two deserve our special thanks.
Mr. Manley also called as witnesses the chief financial officer of the Colorado Department of Transportation (and “coincidentally” the chief financial officer of the Bridge Enterprise Fund) and the executive director of the Colorado Department of Transportation (and “coincidentally” of the Bridge Enterprise Fund). They had to answer his questions about how the supposedly separate entities operate and coordinate, and supply information about funding issues.
The final of the five witnesses did not conclude his testimony before business wrapped up yesterday, and that is where the trial was to continue from this morning. Paul Wingard was there to prove expert information about the values of the bridges. Any TABOR enterprise is limited to taxpayer subsidy of 10 percent of annual income. The calculated limit in this case is met only because most bridges were transferred from the Department of Transportation to the Bridge Enterprise at a value of zero. Mr. Wingard brings a rare combination of experience and talents to the discussion. He is a professional engineer who has consulted in that profession, is a licensed contractor who built bridges, served as a senior administrator for a road and bridge department of a county government in Florida, and has participated in arm’s-length transfers of tolled bridges and a highway. We found him through Reason Foundation’s Bob Poole. Paul submitted a report about the values of the Colorado bridges being transferred.
More on this important constitutional challenge as the situation develops.
Bottom Line:
Colorado taxpayers have been forced to pay literally $100 Million per year in additional ‘FASTER’ taxes (under the label of “fees”) while simultaneously becoming obligated for over $300 Million in debt – all without a vote of the people, as required under Colorado’s Constitution.
The lawsuit seeks to prevent “continued enforcement and maintenance of the bridge safety surcharge” (i.e. stop the illegal collection of a portion of the Colorado Car Tax) and require that “all “[r]evenue collected, kept, or spent illegally” be refunded” – as mandated under the Colorado Constitution.
Now THAT would be a welcome “tax refund” for all Coloradans.
Clear The Bench Colorado will, with your support, continue to promote transparency and accountability in the Colorado judiciary, informing the public to increase awareness of the substantial public policy implications of an unrestrained activism and political agendas in the courts. We will continue to work to educate voters and provide information of relevance related to the judicial branch, and to provide useful and substantive evaluations of judicial performance.
However, we can’t do it alone – we need your continued support; via your comments (Sound Off!) and, yes, your contributions. Freedom isn’t free -nor is it always easy to be a Citizen, not a subject.
Ultimately, though – it’s worth the effort.
“Four More Years?” Clear The Bench Colorado 4th anniversary today, still state’s only judicial accountability organization
“Time flies when you’re having fun…”
Hard to believe, but it has already (only?) been 4 years since the founding of our state’s only effective judicial accountability organization, Clear The Bench Colorado.
Starting as nothing more than an idea – knowing that Colorado judges are accountable to the people, that Colorado voters deserve more information on our state’s powerful 3rd branch of government – Clear The Bench Colorado has effected a much-needed (and long-overdue) awakening about the role and importance of Colorado’s judiciary.
Clear The Bench Colorado played a role in “encouraging” the self-removal of two of the worst state supreme court justices in Colorado history (Chief Justice Mary Mullarkey quit the bench in 2010 rather than face the voters, and Justice Alex Martinez quit the bench after receiving the lowest voter approval of any supreme court justice in state history some time after the 2010 elections) – resulting in a much-improved composition of our state’s highest court.
In fact, over the last couple of years, court challenges have achieved the ONLY significant victories for freedom in Colorado – since CTBC’s founding, overturning the Amazon Tax, overturning the CU Gun Ban, upholding the Douglas County school choice program, and (most recently) overturning unconstitutional legislation restricting petition-gathering for ballot initiatives.
Cases still pending in Colorado courts include a challenge to the unconstitutional FASTER car tax (er, “fee”), the statewide school funding case (called the “SuperBowl of school funding litigation” –with potentially ‘devastating consequences’ for Colorado’s budget), and challenges to recent “gun control” legislation and challenges to rules restricting free speech.
Clear The Bench Colorado helped Colorado voters to “Know Your Judge” with substantive evaluations of judicial performance prior to the November 2012 and 2010 elections – the ONLY source of reliable, substantive information on judges appearing on the ballot.
Statewide legislative elections in 2012 were significantly impacted (if not effectively pre-determined outright) by results of the Colorado Supreme Court’s December 2011 rulings on the reapportionment of state legislative districts – leading to lopsided majorities for Democrats in both chambers of the state legislature, despite actually receiving fewer votes overall (45% to 48.5% of total votes/candidates)
BOTTOM LINE:
Few, if any, grassroots organizations have had as much impact on the political and civic arena as has Clear The Bench Colorado over the last four years.
Will Clear The Bench Colorado continue to help reform Colorado’s judiciary by promoting transparency and accountability, informing the public to increase awareness of the substantial public policy implications of an unrestrained activism and political agendas in the courts, over the next four years?
Will Colorado be able to count on CTBC’s useful and substantive evaluations of judicial performance in coming elections?
The choice is yours, Colorado.
We can’t do it alone – we need your continued support; via your comments (Sound Off!) and, yes, your contributions. Freedom isn’t free -nor is it always easy to be a Citizen, not a subject.
Ultimately, though – it’s worth the effort.
Colorado Supreme Court hears arguments in Lobato appeal (the “SuperBowl of School Funding Litigation”)
The Colorado Supreme Court heard oral arguments in the resurrected ‘Lobato v. Colorado‘ school funding lawsuit (previously termed the Super Bowl of school funding litigation).
At issue: the constitutionality of Colorado’s system of statewide school funding.
At stake: some $3B additional school funding annually (requested by the plaintiffs), along with an additional $17B in spending on capital construction – and, perhaps even more importantly, a looming constitutional crisis regarding separation of powers and the proper role of the courts in setting taxation and educational policy.
(Denver Post, ”Colorado Supreme Court hears arguments in school funding lawsuit” 7 MAR 13)
The Lobato lawsuit was originally filed in 2005; it was rejected at both the trial court level and in the Colorado Court of Appeals before narrowly (4-3) receiving new life in one of the Mullarkey Majority’s final (and most notorious) rulings in October 2009. The Mullarkey Majority overturned lower courts that had held (correctly) that school funding decisions are a matter of policy – not law – and are therefore the job of elected legislators – not appointed judges – to decide.
That ruling sent the case back to the trial court, and two years later (9 December 2011) Denver District Judge Sheila Rappaport issued a 183-page ruling finding for the plaintiffs – which was almost immediately appealed by the state (a bipartisan decision by Governor Hickenlooper and Attorney General Suthers) and joined in the appeal by the State Board of Education).
In oral arguments before the Colorado Supreme Court, Assistant Attorney General Jonathan Fero challenged Rappaport’s finding that the phrase “thorough and uniform education” in Colorado’s Constitution means that “if any students aren’t making it the whole system is irrational” – stating
“Universal achievement cannot be what the constitution requires”
Plaintiffs argued that because some groups show disparate performance, the state’s educational system is not “thorough and uniform” – and allege that shortfalls in educational outcomes are due to the state’s K-12 educational system being underfunded by $3 billion. As reported in the Alamosa News coverage of the trial (“Supreme Court to consider Lobato case“),
According to the Joint Budget Committee Appropriations Report 2010-11 and the Colorado Attorney General (AG), K-12 in Colorado receives 45.6 percent of the general fund or $3.2 billion of a $6.97 billion general fund.
A Colorado Supreme Court ruling in favor of the plaintiffs would have “devastating consequences” for the state, according to Governor Hickenlooper. As summarized by the Alamosa News article,
If the plaintiffs were to win, the state would either have to raise taxes by at least 50 percent or have to devote 89 percent of the general fund budget to K-12 funding to meet this obligation, crowding out things such as Medicaid, unemployment assistance, transportation, public safety and higher education
Assistant AG Fero also emphasized that a court mandate to raise taxes or require more spending would intrude upon the legislature’s authority to set policy and violate the constitutionally-defined separation of powers between branches of state government (an issue at the heart of the dissenting opinion in the 2009 ruling, as contemporaneously noted by Clear The Bench Colorado:
The Colorado Constitution directs the General Assembly to “provide for the establishment and maintenance of a thorough and uniform system of free public schools throughout the state,” placing discretionary education questions in Colorado squarely and solely within the legislative ambit. (Lobato v. State of Colorado, dissenting opinion. Emphasis added).
A court ruling in favor of the plaintiffs “could alter the relationship between the people of Colorado and their government for decades to come” – since
One of the plaintiffs’ main arguments is that the Taxpayer Bill of Rights (TABOR) must give way to the education clause so that taxes could be raised and revenues increased to meet the needs of the education clause without a vote of the people.
A ruling by the Colorado Supreme Court asserting primacy of the education clause over TABOR and imposing higher taxes or spending could - as noted by both the attorney general’s office and Governor Hickenlooper – plunge the state into a constitutional crisis:
“Let’s say that the Supreme Court agrees with the district court – if that’s the case, then we’ve got the Constitution versus the Supreme Court.”
Listen to audio of Governor Hickenlooper’s statement on the Lobato appeal
Bottom Line:
This educational-funding lawsuit (seeking to force even higher state educational spending by court order) represents yet another abuse of the courts for the pursuit of political ends – unfortunately aided and abetted by an all-too-complicit (and highly political) majority on the Colorado Supreme Court, which previously (October 2009) overturned two lower courts which had (correctly) dismissed the case (Lobato v. Colorado) as non-justiciable (i.e., a policy issue not to be decided by the courts).
Interestingly, two of the ‘unjust justices’ constituting the majority opinion in October 2009 (Mullarkey and Martinez) are no longer on the state’s highest court, while the 3 opponents of the original ruling remain. Of the two replacements, one (Marquez) has (appropriately) recused herself from the case, as she had taken part in earlier decisions while representing the state as an assistant attorney general, leaving the balance of power in deciding the case to recently appointed Justice Brian Boatright. Note that both Justice Boatright and Justice Marquez are subject to a retention vote in 2014.
If the courts are able to decide “the future of public education” by judicial fiat, Colorado citizens will have lost all control and accountability over our schools.
The issue of educational funding is NOT one for the courts, but rather for the legislature and/or local school boards. The Lobato lawsuit is a fiscal, legal, and political disaster in the making.
Read more about the Lobato school funding case in these articles:
- “Double talk on Lobato case before the Colorado Supreme Court” (Denver Post commentary, 13 March 2013)
- “Lawyers make last Lobato case pitches” (EdNews Colorado, 7 March 2013)
- “Supreme Court to consider Lobato case“ (Alamosa News, 6 March 2013)
- “Judicial Overreach” (Pueblo Chieftain editorial, 14 December 2011)
- “Judge Sets Constitution Aside in School Finance Ruling” (Audio, Education Policy Center, 12 December 2011)
- “Victory for Lobato Plaintiffs” (Education News Colorado, 9 December 2011)
- “Lobato case primer” (Education News Colorado, 11 August 2011)
- “Lobato lawsuit unfounded” (Denver Post, 11 August 2011)
- “In Lobato, might high court issue a ruling it can’t enforce?” (Colorado News Agency, 11 August 2011)
- “Lobato education-funding budget-buster aided & abetted by Colorado Supreme Court” (8 August 2011)
The Attorney General’s office has also compiled a list of key pleadings and court decisions in the Lobato case.
Cases such as Lobato – particularly Rappaport’s biased ruling – highlight the importance of fair and impartial courts and of judges who exercise proper restraint (in accordance with the rule of law) in considering – let alone deciding – issues of policy more appropriate for the elected, representative branches of government. Our courts have an important – even vital – role to play in our society and system of government. This is not it.
Colorado Court of Appeals reverses lower court, upholds constitutionality of Douglas County School Choice program
The Colorado Court of Appeals reversed a lower court ruling and upheld the constitutionality of the Douglas County School Choice program in a ruling issued today (Thursday, 28 February 2013).
The Colorado Court of Appeals ruling in the case (Court of Appeals Nos. 11CA1856 & 11CA1857, “Taxpayers for Public Education v. Douglas County Board of Education”) struck down the Denver District court ruling that had permanently enjoined implementation of the Douglas County “Choice Scholarship Program” (a program providing scholarships for tuition at private or charter schools of the parents’ choice) on claims that the program violated the Colorado Public School Finance Act of 1994 and various provisions of the Colorado Constitution. The higher court rejected both the plaintiffs’ standing to bring the suit in the first place, and the plaintiffs’ claims of constitutional violations – a resounding rebuttal to the lower court:
We conclude that plaintiffs do not have standing to seek redress for a claimed violation of the Act, and that the CSP does not violate any of the constitutional provisions on which plaintiffs rely. Therefore, we reverse the district court’s judgment and remand the case for entry of judgment in defendants’ favor.
The court’s ruling does not come as a surprise (indeed, the Clear The Bench Colorado analysis of last November’s oral arguments before the Court of Appeals forecast a win for the appellants) but the extent of the higher court’s repudiation of Denver District Court Judge Michael Martinez is striking, particularly on the issue of the plaintiffs’ standing to bring suit under the School Finance Act:
The district court recited these factors but did not engage in any substantive analysis of them. Instead, the court conclusorily ruled that certain plaintiffs’ status as District students and parents of District students “confers a legal interest in the enforcement of the statutes enumerated in their claims.” In so ruling, the district court erred.
There is nothing in the language of the Act remotely suggesting that private citizens or groups have a right to seek judicial enforcement of its provisions.
The appeals court addressed – and resoundingly rejected – each of the plaintiffs claims alleging constitutional violations:
For clarity of analysis, we divide plaintiffs’ claims into three groups: (1) claims alleging violations of statutory and constitutional provisions which concern state schools generally – the Act and article IX, sections 2, 3, and 15; (2) claims alleging violations of constitutional provisions which concern aid to or support of religion and religious organizations – article II, section 4, and article IX, sections 7 and 8; and (3) the claim alleging a violation of article V, section 34, which concerns appropriations generally and appropriations to religious organizations specifically.
Claims based on the School Finance Act were rejected due to the plaintiffs lack of standing to bring a complaint in court, as noted above.
Claims that the “Choice Scholarship Program” violated the Colorado Constitution Article IX, Section 2 (“Thorough and Uniform System of Free Public Schools”) were also rejected by the Court of Appeals.
Interestingly, the court affirmed the role and responsibility of the elected school board as the presumptive constitutional authority in determining educational structure and content:
Pursuant to article IX, section 15 of the Colorado Constitution, the General Assembly created local school districts governed by boards of education. The directors of the boards are elected by qualified district electors, and “have control of instruction in the public schools of their respective districts.”
The court broadly rejected the plaintiffs claims of an Article IX Section 2 violation in no uncertain terms:
Plaintiffs misapprehend the constitutional mandate. It requires that a thorough and uniform system of free elementary through high school education be made available to students between the ages of six and twenty-one. See Lujan v. Colo. State Bd. of Educ., 649 P.2d 1005, 1025 (Colo. 1982) (this provision “is satisfied if thorough and uniform educational opportunities are available through state action in each school district”);
It plainly is not violated where a local school district decides to provide educational opportunities in addition to the free system the constitution requires. [emphasis added]
The court similarly rejected claims of a violation of Article IX, Section 3 (“Use of the Public School Fund”):
Article IX, section 3 requires only that money from the public school fund be “expended in the maintenance of the schools of the state” and “distributed amongst the several counties and school districts of the state, in such manner as may be prescribed by law.” It plainly applies to distributions made by the state, not local districts. And it requires distributions to the counties and school districts. Upon distribution by the state to the counties and school districts, the money from the fund belongs to the counties and school districts. Craig v. People in Interest of Hazard, 89 Colo. 139, 144-45, 299 P. 1064, 1066 (1931). [emphasis added]
The court similarly rejected claims of a violation of Article X, Section 15 (“Local Control”):
Further, the provision does not relate to instruction in private schools. As discussed above, participating private schools retain their character as private, not public, schools. It follows that article IX, section 15 does not apply to the CSP.
The court directed a significant amount of attention to plaintiffs claims that the CSP violated constitutional provisions restricting state support of religious institutions – and likewise rejected those claims:
The Colorado Constitution contains a number of provisions addressing the relationship between state government and citizens, on the one hand, and religion generally and religious institutions, on the other hand. Some of these provisions pertain to support for religion and religious institutions. Four are at issue here: article II, section 4; article V, section 34;12 and article IX, sections 7 and 8.
Based on analysis of the Colorado constitutional language alone, the court determined
we conclude that the CSP does not violate any of the subject provisions.
In order:
1. Article II, § 4 – Required Attendance or Support
Citing a similar grant program for higher education, since the CSP was “designed for the benefit of the student, not the educational institution” and “is available to all District students and to any private school which meets the neutral eligibility criteria” it did not violate the constitutional prohibition on state support of religious institutions. The court further noted that inquiries into “the degree to which religious tenets and beliefs are included in participating private schools’ educational programs – is no longer constitutionally permissible” and, “Doing so violates the First Amendment,” concluding, “Simply put, a government may not choose among eligible institutions “on the basis of intrusive judgments regarding contested questions of religious belief or practice.”
The court rejected the plaintiffs claims that the CSP “required attendance” at religious instruction on its face, stating:
the fact remains that the CSP does not compel anyone to do anything, much less attend religious services. No student is compelled to participate in the CSP or, having been accepted to participate, to attend any particular participating private school. To the extent students would attend religious services, they would do so as a result of parents’ voluntary choices. Article II, section 4 clearly does not proscribe such choices.
2. Article IX, § 7 – No Aid to Religious Organizations
The district court ruled that the CSP violates this provision essentially for the same reasons it found a violation of article II, section 4. And essentially for the same reasons we have concluded that the CSP does not violate article II, section 4, we conclude that it does not violate article IX, section 7.2
Since the CSP “is intended to benefit students and their parents, and any benefit to the participating schools is incidental…”
“Such a remote and incidental benefit does not constitute . . . aid to the institution itself within the meaning of Article IX, Section 7.” Zelman, 536 U.S. at 652
The court noted that “The CSP is neutral toward religion,and funds make their way to private schools with religious affiliation by means of personal choices of students’ parents.”
The majority opinion even gets in a dig at the dissenting opinion on this issue:
That reasoning, which is typical of the reasoning in the cases on which the dissent relies, is flatly at odds with our supreme court’s reasoning in Americans United, in which the court deemed the neutral character of the grant programs as essentially determinative.
3. Article IX, § 8 – Religion in Public Schools
The Court of Appeals noted that “this provision plainly applies to “public educational institution[s]” and “public school[s]” and rejected the district court’s (and plaintiffs) convoluted attempts to construct a public character for the private schools within the CSP.
The district court failed sufficiently to account for the fact that attendance at any of the participating private schools is not required by the CSP; such attendance is by parental choice. Moreover, as discussed above, participation in the CSP does not transform private schools into public schools.
Finally, the court’s ruling addressed plaintiffs’ claims that other constitutional provisions were violated by the school choice program.
The Denver District court ruling held that the CSP violated the Colorado Constitution’s Article V, § 34 – Prohibited Appropriations by interpreting a payment of state funds to private schools as an “appropriation” to “entities not under absolute state control” – including entities with a religious character. The Court of Appeals rejected the district court judge’s reasoning, noting that “[t]he district court misconstrued the provision.”
Article V, section 34 is part of article V of the Colorado Constitution, which deals with the structure and powers of the General Assembly. See, e.g., art. V, § 1(1). Article V includes two provisions dealing with appropriations, sections 32 and 34. The appropriations encompassed by those sections clearly are appropriations by the General Assembly itself.
Since the funds are actually allocated by the school district, NOT the state directly,
No such disbursement would occur under the CSP. The General Assembly appropriates state money for elementary and secondary education to the Colorado Department of Education, which in turn distributes it to local school districts in the form of total per pupil revenue. At that point, ownership of the funds passes to the local school districts. Craig, 89 Colo. at 144-45, 299 P. at 1066; see § 22-54-104(1)(a). The District’s expenditure of funds under the CSP, therefore, does not constitute an appropriation by the General Assembly.
Since “the purpose of the [CSP] is to aid students and parents, not sectarian institutions.”
Any benefit to the participating private school is incidental, occasioned by the individual choices of students’ parents.
Conclusion:
Plaintiffs failed to carry their burden of proving the unconstitutionality of the CSP beyond a reasonable doubt, or by any other potentially applicable standard. None of them have standing to assert a claim under the Act. Accordingly, the district court’s judgment cannot stand.
The judgment is reversed, and the case is remanded to the district court for entry of judgment in defendants’ favor.
Since both sides in the case have signaled their intent to appeal if not satisfied with the verdict, the ultimate resolution of the case will fall to the Colorado Supreme Court – most likely (the wheels of justice grind slowly) in another year or more.
Additional References:
Clear The Bench Colorado‘s analysis of oral arguments before the Colorado Court of Appeals
(20 November 2012)
For another analysis of last November’s oral arguments (with more emphasis on policy implications over legal issues), read Education Policy Analyst Ben DeGrow’s superb summary.
Click here for a comprehensive review of the Douglas County Choice Scholarship Program (including program information, video and audio interview and news clips, news and commentary highlights and links to many legal documents in the case)
Bottom Line:
The Douglas County case also touches upon important constitutional issues such the separation of powers between branches and levels of government, establishment of religion, and collection and allocation of tax dollars, but ultimately comes down to a very basic and fundamental issue:
who decides how to educate Colorado’s children?
Clear The Bench Colorado believes that the decision should be in the hands of parents – NOT in the hands of the courts.
Cases such as this highlight the importance of fair and impartial courts and of judges who exercise proper restraint (in accordance with the rule of law) in considering (let alone deciding) issues of policy more appropriate for the elected, representative branches of government. Our courts have an important – even vital – role to play in our society and system of government. This is not it.
Clear The Bench Colorado will, with your support, continue to promote transparency and accountability in the Colorado judiciary, informing the public to increase awareness of the substantial public policy implications of an unrestrained activism and political agendas in the courts. We will continue to work to educate voters and provide information of relevance related to the judicial branch, and to provide useful and substantive evaluations of judicial performance.
However, we can’t do it alone – we need your continued support; via your comments (Sound Off!) and, yes, your contributions. Freedom isn’t free -nor is it always easy to be a Citizen, not a subject.
Ultimately, though – it’s worth the effort.
The Colorado Car Tax – er, ‘FASTER’ “vehicle registration fee” increase – court challenge moves forward
The Colorado Car Tax (er, “vehicle registration fee”) increase passed in 2009 (SB108, the so-called “FASTER” bill) is quite possibly THE most unpopular tax increase in Colorado history – made all the more repugnant by how it became law (exploiting a 2008 Colorado Supreme Court ruling which declared that “fees” don’t count as “taxes” to circumvent the constitutional requirement (under Colorado Constitution Article X, Section 20 – Taxpayer’s Bill of Rights, a.k.a. TABOR) to receive prior voter approval for any ‘policy change resulting in net revenue gain’ to the state).
After two years of legislative inaction failed to repeal or roll back the unconstitutional and unpopular tax increase, the ‘FASTER’ Colorado Car Tax is being challenged in court as a violation of the Colorado state Constitution (specifically, Colorado Constitution Article X, Section 20 – Taxpayer’s Bill of Rights, TABOR).
The most recent development in the case (the ‘FASTER’ lawsuit was initially filed in May 2012) occurred last week with the filing of a ”Plaintiff’s Motion for Summary Judgment” in the case (a motion for summary judgment is filed based on the existing documentary record prior to trial claiming that all factual and legal issues can be decided in the moving party’s favor).
The Plaintiff’s Motion documents the fact that the “”Colorado Bridge Enterprise” established under the FASTER legislation as a “TABOR-exempt business enterprise” (Ed. – see, “Life in the FASTER Lane – updates on the Colorado Car Tax“) fails to meet the constitutional standard to qualify for exemption from TABOR requirements, on two main grounds:
A. The CBE Does Not Function As A Business Because It Has The Power To Levy A General Tax; and
B. The CBE Receives More Than Ten Percent Of Annual Revenue In Grants From CDOT
(including a $14.4M grant and the “gift” of 56 bridges from the Colorado Dep’t Of Transportation)
The Motion makes it crystal clear that the CBE “was created for the sole purpose of attempting to circumvent TABOR.”
Under FASTER, the CBE has forced Coloradans to pay “bridge safety surcharge” taxes approaching $100 million annually, without seeking the voter approval required by TABOR. See CBE 2010 Annual Report (“2010 Annual Report”) at 3.1 The CBE has also issued $300 million in new government bonds, again without a TABOR-required vote of the people. By taking these actions without a vote of the people, defendants have violated the rights of [Coloradans] to vote on the imposition of new taxes and debt, as guaranteed by TABOR.
The Motion further documents the self-evident statement that
The CBE is not a business enterprise exempt from TABOR because it generates revenue by levying a general tax, rather than by engaging in market transactions. TABOR-exempt enterprises may not levy taxes, because “[t]he ability to levy general taxes is inconsistent with the characteristics of a business.”
The purported “business” character of the CBE is belied by how it “makes” money:
The CBE’s revenue is not derived from “market exchanges taking place in a competitive, arms-length manner,” but rather from the bridge safety surcharge—a compulsory tax collected without regard to any benefits conferred to payers.
Calling the Colorado Car Tax a “fee” is also belied by the nature of how it is levied, on whom, and who “benefits” from the charge; calling it a “fee”
does not comport with reality because the surcharge shares none of the characteristics of a fee as defined by the Colorado Supreme Court and is not levied to provide “a specific service to the persons upon whom the fee is imposed and at rates reasonably calculated based on the benefits received by such persons.”
The surcharge is therefore a tax, and not a fee.
Colorado taxpayers have been forced to pay literally $100 Million per year in additional ‘FASTER’ taxes (under the label of “fees”) while simultaneously becoming obligated for over $300 Million in debt – all without a vote of the people, as required under Colorado’s Constitution.
The lawsuit seeks to prevent “continued enforcement and maintenance of the bridge safety surcharge” (i.e. stop the illegal collection of a portion of the Colorado Car Tax) and require that “all “[r]evenue collected, kept, or spent illegally” be refunded” – as mandated under the Colorado Constitution.
Now THAT would be a welcome “tax refund” for all Coloradans.
Clear The Bench Colorado will, with your support, continue to promote transparency and accountability in the Colorado judiciary, informing the public to increase awareness of the substantial public policy implications of an unrestrained activism and political agendas in the courts. We will continue to work to educate voters and provide information of relevance related to the judicial branch, and to provide useful and substantive evaluations of judicial performance.
However, we can’t do it alone – we need your continued support; via your comments (Sound Off!) and, yes, your contributions. Freedom isn’t free -nor is it always easy to be a Citizen, not a subject.
Ultimately, though – it’s worth the effort.
Colorado Legislators, CUT (Colorado Union of Taxpayers) file Amicus Brief opposing “Fenster’s Folly” frivolous anti-TABOR lawsuit
The frivolous, groundless, and vexatious politically-motivated lawsuit attempting to overturn a Colorado Constitutional Amendment (the Taxpayer’s Bill of Rights, colloquially known as “TABOR”) filed in Federal court in May 2011 – and, after several rounds of motions and counter-motions, allowed to proceed to trial in July 2012 (despite clear constitutional precedent disallowing challenges on the basis of the “Guarantee Clause”) – entered a new phase today with the filing of an Amicus (“friend of court”) brief in the state’s interlocutory appeal to the 10th Circuit Court of Appeals.
The Amicus Brief, filed by Colorado legislators and the Colorado Union of Taxpayers (CUT) in opposition to the frivolous Fenster lawsuit, challenges the plaintiffs’ (several anti-TABOR current and former state legislators) lack of standing to file, underlines the fact that the lawsuit’s claims present a “nonjusticiable political question” and highlights the importance of preserving the separation of powers that could be jeopardized by a court ruling striking down the TABOR constitutional amendment.
Some key points:
- The General Assembly’s power to propose taxes has always been subject to numerous constitutional limitations, qualifications, and exemptions.
- And the people retain ultimate veto authority over all acts of the General Assembly, including taxation and spending.
Id. art. V, § 1 (“The legislative power of the state shall be vested in the general assembly . . . but the people reserve to themselves the power . . . at their own option to approve or reject at the polls any act or item, section, or part of any act of the general assembly.”).
- TABOR’s primary restraint on the legislature is procedural, not substantive. … It is this element of democratic accountability and constitutional restraint that Plaintiffs challenge in this litigation.4
- The district court erred by determining that the claims here, all based on the Guarantee Clause, do not present a nonjusticiable political question.8
Where the Guarantee Clause is concerned, the Supreme Court has twice unequivocally shut the courthouse doors, in order to prevent “the inconceivable expansion of the judicial power and the ruinous destruction of legislative authority in matters purely political which would necessarily be occasioned by giving sanction to” Guarantee Clause claims in federal court. Pacific States Telephone & Telegraph Co. v. State of Oregon, 223 U.S. 118, 141 (1912); see also Luther v. Borden, 48 U.S. 1, 42 1849).9 The district court brushed aside these precedents because it considered them fact-bound. Neither opinion supports such a conclusion.10
- If the district court were to conclude that TABOR renders the Colorado Constitution unrepublican, that judgment “would necessarily affect the validity, not only of the particular statute which is before us, but of every other statute passed in [Colorado] since the adoption of [TABOR].” Pacific States, 223 U.S. at 141. The Constitution vests Congress with the sole authority to judge whether the Guarantee Clause has been satisfied in order to avoid the constitutional crisis that would result from enlisting the federal courts.
- The concept of justiciability, whether embodied in the standing or political question doctrines, is intended to preserve the separation of powers. … This fundamental concern about the “the proper—and properly limited—role of the courts in a democratic society,” Allen, 468 U.S. at 751, makes swift dismissal of the instant case critically important.
- The doctrine of separation of powers applies particularly to the judicial branch, preventing it from involving itself in potentially political disputes.
As previously noted, the lawsuit is lacking in legal merit, and constitutional case law precedent (including two relevant Supreme Court of the United States [SCOTUS] decisions, as also noted earlier) is clear that the “Republican form of government” language in the Constitution’s “Guarantee Clause” (United States Constitution, Article IV, Section 4 – “The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of Government“) is non-justiciable (meaning, not subject to determination by the courts). Constitutional constraints on government are, by definition, constitutionally allowed – failing to dismiss this clearly frivolous lawsuit would cost Colorado taxpayers hundreds of thousands in legal fees and costs, and will almost certainly ultimately end up before the United States Supreme Court since overturning a state constitutional amendment by judicial fiat would have immense implications for the citizens’ initiative process and the right of the people to limit government power by constitutional limits nationwide.
If “We The People” cannot set constitutional limits on government power, then the very founding principles of this nation – indeed, the foundations of Liberty itself – are at risk.
Reference state’s Motion to Dismiss Plaintiffs’ Substitute Complaint (which was filed back in August by Governor Hickenlooper and Attorney General Suthers – also, analysis of the state’s Motion to Dismiss).
Additional references:
A more detailed (and highly informative) discussion of the constitutionality of the citizen initiative and referendum processes may be found in the Texas Law Review article, “A Republic, Not a Democracy? Initiative, Referendum, and the Constitution’s Guarantee Clause” by Professor Robert G. Natelson.
Clear The Bench Colorado will, with your support, continue to promote transparency and accountability in the Colorado judiciary, informing the public to increase awareness of the substantial public policy implications of an unrestrained activism and political agendas in the courts. We will continue to work to educate voters and provide information of relevance related to the judicial branch, and to provide useful and substantive evaluations of judicial performance.
However, we can’t do it alone – we need your continued support; via your comments (Sound Off!) and, yes, your contributions. Freedom isn’t free -nor is it always easy to be a Citizen, not a subject.
Ultimately, though – it’s worth the effort.
2012 Year in Review: Colorado Courts Continue to Play Politics
Colorado Courts Continue to Play Politics in 2012…
Another tumultuous year has come and gone for the Colorado judiciary – and once again, Colorado Citizens and taxpayers have been hammered by the gavels of Colorado judges pounding their personal preferences over the will of the people – and the rule of law.
2012 saw the advancement of a frivolous, groundless, and vexatious politically-motivated lawsuit attempting to overturn a Colorado Constitutional Amendment (the Taxpayer’s Bill of Rights, colloquially known as “TABOR”) through the Federal courts (with oral arguments on a Motion to Dismiss in February, and proceeding to trial on a ruling in July). The District Court judge still has not issued a ruling in the case, but whatever the ruling, the case is almost certain to be appealed, and may ultimately end up before the U.S. Supreme Court.
Some good news came from the Colorado judiciary in March, as the Colorado Supreme Court upheld the Colorado Court of Appeals in striking down the CU Gun Ban. Unfortunately, the University of Colorado administration introduced policies designed to circumvent the ruling shortly thereafter, and the self-defense rights of Colorado citizens within the CU demesne continue to be threatened with the backing of many (if not most) of the CU Regents.
More good news in April, as a (Federal) court struck down Colorado’s unconstitutional “Amazon Tax” (as predicted by Clear The Bench Colorado Director Matt Arnold in testimony before its passage in 2010).
In May, the Colorado Car Tax (a.k.a. FASTER vehicle registration “fee”) was challenged in court as a violation of the state Constitution (the case is still winding its way through the courts).
In September, the Colorado Supreme Court rejected Ward Churchill’s attempt to force the University of Colorado to reinstate him (Churchill recently announced his intent to appeal all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court).
Clear The Bench Colorado helped Colorado voters to “Know Your Judge” with substantive evaluations of judicial performance prior to the November elections – the ONLY source of reliable, substantive information on judges appearing on the ballot.
Remaining statewide elections were significantly impacted (if not effectively pre-determined outright) by the results of the Colorado Supreme Court’s December 2011 rulings on the reapportionment of state legislative districts – leading to lopsided majorities for Democrats in both chambers of the state legislature, despite actually receiving fewer votes overall.
Colorado courts continued to be a central battlefield for Education policy, as the ‘Lobato’ case advanced to the Colorado Supreme Court in the “Super Bowl of school funding litigation” and the Douglas County school choice voucher program case advanced to the Colorado Court of Appeals. (Interestingly, the Denver District Court judges involved in each case – Judge Sheila Rappaport in the ‘Lobato’ case, and Judge Michael Martinez in the Douglas County school choice case – are both scheduled to appear on the 2014 ballot).
Cases such as Lobato (particularly Rappaport’s biased ruling) and the politicized nature of the court’s involvement in the congressional redistricting and state legislative reapportionment cases – highlight the importance of fair and impartial courts and of judges who exercise proper restraint (in accordance with the rule of law) in considering – let alone deciding – issues of policy more appropriate for the elected, representative branches of government. Our courts have an important – even vital – role to play in our society and system of government. Deciding issues of policy – instead of fairly and impartially upholding the law – is not it.
Clear The Bench Colorado will, with your support, continue to promote transparency and accountability in the Colorado judiciary, informing the public to increase awareness of the substantial public policy implications of an unrestrained activism and political agendas in the courts. We will continue to work to educate voters and provide information of relevance related to the judicial branch, and to provide useful and substantive evaluations of judicial performance.
However, we can’t do it alone – we need your continued support; via your comments (Sound Off!) and, yes, your contributions. Freedom isn’t free -nor is it always easy to be a Citizen, not a subject.
Ultimately, though – it’s worth the effort.
Merry Christmas from Clear The Bench Colorado!
Merry Christmas from Clear The Bench Colorado!

In the spirit of the season today, no commentary or analysis on Colorado Supreme Court rulings that have taken money out of your pocket, eroded your constitutional rights, or usurped the powers of other branches of government. No comparisons of the Mullarkey Majority to the Grinch Who Stole Christmas…
Matt and celebrity spokespup Nola (above) just want to wish everyone a happy time at their not-yet-seized-by-eminent-domain homes and a safe, painless drive in their FASTER-taxed cars to Grandma’s house (assuming she can still afford the increased taxes to live there, for now and in Christmas future). Be merry and don’t think about taxes for now (although they’ll beat you up if you don’t hand it over).
Enjoy your Christmas present, but please act to save your Christmas future -
Continue to support Clear The Bench Colorado with comments (Sound Off!) and contributions.
Freedom isn’t free – nor is it always easy to be a Citizen, not a subject.
Ultimately, though – it’s worth the effort.
Friday Funnies: …and a Leftist Judiciary! (reprise, again)
Welcome to the 2012 Christmas edition of the Clear The Bench Colorado Friday Funnies!
Another tumultuous year has come and gone for the Colorado judiciary – and once again, Colorado Citizens and taxpayers have been hammered by the gavels of Colorado judges pounding their personal preferences over the will of the people – and the rule of law.
Last year closed with Colorado courts deciding the boundaries for Congressional districts (after the state senate reprised the 2000 playbook of abdicating responsibility to send it to the courts) and state legislative districts (following the Colorado Reapportionment Commission’s public hearings on re-setting the boundaries of our state legislative districts over the summer), both of which played a prominent role in determining Colorado’s electoral destiny in 2012.
Colorado courts were also a central battlefield for Education policy, as one Denver District judge threw out Douglas County’s attempts to enable greater school choice, and another Denver District judge declared the state system of funding schools “unconscionable” while advancing the power of the courts to determine “proper” levels of school funding (despite the Constitution’s delegation of that power to the legislative branch) – although that decision is likely to be overturned after an expensive – and long - appeal to the Colorado Supreme Court.
The first stages of the court appeal seeking to preserve school choice concluded last month (Nov 2012) with oral arguments before the Colorado Court of Appeals (a ruling by the 3-judge panel isn’t expected until early next year, most likely late January or February).
Meanwhile, the ‘Lobato’ school funding lawsuit – called the “Super Bowl of school funding litigation” – continues to slog its way through the courts as well.
Earlier in the year, after two years of legislative inaction failed to repeal or roll back the unconstitutional and unpopular tax increase, the ‘FASTER’ Colorado Car Tax was challenged in court as a violation of the Colorado state Constitution (specifically, Article X, Section 20 – Taxpayer’s Bill of Rights, TABOR).
Another, wider-ranging challenge to TABOR is still being fought out in Federal court: the notorious “Fenster’s Folly” frivolous anti-TABOR lawsuit (which not only challenges TABOR in particular, but more generally citizens’ right to petition under a flawed reading of the “republican form of government” language in the Constitution’s “Guarantee Clause” (United States Constitution, Article IV, Section 4 – “The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of Government“) which multiple U.S. Supreme Court cases have ruled non-justiciable (meaning, not subject to determination by the courts).
One major ruling by the Colorado Supreme Court DID uphold the law – and the rights of Colorado citizens – when striking down the University of Colorado’s illegal gun ban (March 2012). Unfortunately, the CU administration (backed by the CU Board of Regents) moved almost immediately to circumvent the court’s ruling and continue to violate state law by promulgating policies banning guns in certain areas (not authorized by statute) and additional gun ban legislation (unfortunately backed by many on the CU Board of Regents) to further restrict and roll back hard-fought self-defense rights is coming.
Finally, to close out the year, the Colorado Supreme Court and Court of Appeals moved into the palatial new ‘Colorado Judicial Center’ (at significant taxpayer expense and incurring massive new “non-debt” debt, without required voter approval) just one week before closing for the holidays.
All of these issues were comprehensively documented by Clear The Bench Colorado over the last year – while the “mass media” and the majority of the state’s “news” organizations gave them short shrift.
Clear The Bench Colorado also continued the public service of providing comprehensive, well-referenced evaluations of judicial performance in 2012 – again, in contrast to the “official” taxpayer-funded “Blue Book” rubberstamp “reviews” disseminated at great expense (and, when put out at polling locations, in violation of state law) by the Colorado Office of Judicial Performance Evaluation.
Although remaining mindful that what’s at stake – holding our judiciary accountable for serial violations of our constitutional rights (to vote on taxes, even when taxes are called “fees”; defend our property against unjust seizure; bear arms in self-defense; and too many others to list) is serious business, all work and no play makes Matty a dull boy.
Although still awaiting payment over two year later after “Colorado Ethics Watch” (CEW, pronounced “sue” – it’s what they do) was once again ordered to pay Clear The Bench Colorado thousands of $ in legal fees (owed since the judge’s original ruling in July 2010 found CEW’s complaint to be “frivolous, groundless, & vexatious”) brings a rueful chuckle, the following video (even if focused on the national level) elicited a hearty laugh:
…and a Leftist Judiciary!
While still afflicted with the (black-robed) ghosts of Christmas past in our Christmas present, we can still act to save our Christmas future. Continue to support Clear The Bench Colorado with comments (Sound Off!) and contributions. Freedom isn’t free – nor is it always easy to be a Citizen, not a subject.
Ultimately, though – it’s worth the effort.
Colorado Supreme Court, Court of Appeals move into palatial new digs at the Ralph L. Carr Colorado Judicial Center
The Colorado Supreme Court and Colorado Court of Appeals take up residence in a brand-new, multi-million dollar facility a block away from the Colorado Capitol today (Wednesday, 19 December 2012) -
a mere two days before the “end of the world” supposedly “predicted” by the Mayan calendar.
The new “Judicial Center” is an impressive edifice (as shown in the picture below and in a photo gallery, both published by the Denver Post last week).
The demolition of the old court building in August 2010 was heralded by the Denver Post with another impressive front-page photo under the headline, “Make Room for Justice!“ along with a story inside (“Denver & The West” section – Colorado judicial building puts on show, disappears). Interestingly, although the Post article noted the cost of the demolition ($850,000) it completely failed to mention the cost of the replacement “judicial complex” (possibly out of concern for the sensibilities of the Post’s largest paying tenant – the Colorado Supreme Court paid the Denver Newspaper Agency $1.6 Million per year over the last three years for their temporary ‘digs’ while the new complex was being built).
Interestingly, almost every other contemporary news report DID mention the cost to taxpayers
($258 million).
“Make Room for Justice” or “Justice Held For Ransom?”
Unfortunately, NONE of the news coverage provided any information on just where all of this money to fund the massive new “judicial complex” came from (ultimately, of course, from your pockets – but the details are interesting).
Part of the funding for the project (authorized back during the 2008 legislative session under SB08-206 State Justice Center) came from an unprecedented expansion in use of “Certificates of Participation” (in the words of a state legislator who shall remain nameless, “debt pretending not to be debt”). In fact, the legislative language specifies that the debt is simply re-defined as ‘not-debt’ by declaring that
the obligations shall not be deemed or construed as creating an indebtedness of the state within the meaning of any provision of the state constitution or the laws of the state of Colorado concerning or limiting the creation of indebtedness by the state of Colorado and shall not constitute a multiple fiscal-year direct or indirect debt or other financial obligation of the state within the meaning of section 20 (4) of article X of the state constitution. [SB08-206, Section 2, (2) (b), page 5]
Former Colorado Treasurer Cary Kennedy was so proud of the ‘not-debt’ incurred to finance the construction of the new judicial complex (and new state history museum) that she trumpeted the great ‘success’ in a press release:
The successful financing of over $338 million in Certificates of Participation earlier today to build the new Colorado History Center and the Ralph L. Carr Justice Complex completed one of the largest sales of Build America Bonds to date, announced State Treasurer Cary Kennedy
“Crazy on Court Fees”
However, by far the greatest proportion of funding for the new judicial complex comes in the form of increasing the cost of access to justice by Colorado citizens due to substantial increases (including the creation of an entirely new category – the “Justice Center Fund” fee) in court fees.
Want to file a case in civil court, defend yourself against a claim, petition to change your name, or request a civil protection order? It’ll cost you an extra $37 for the “Justice Center Fund” – per filing. Small claims court filings? An extra $11 for the “Justice Center Fund”, thank you.
Oh, and that’s just in your local county court – which may be hundreds of miles away from the recently completed “Mullarkey Monument” (actually, even the legislature reportedly balked at naming the center after Mullarkey when some legislators dug in their heels and insisted upon another name; honoring former Republican Governor Ralph L. Carr – truly, a principled politician – but naming the center after him is a rather ironic twist). Need access to justice at the District Court level or higher? Be prepared to cough up even more in “fees” for the ”Justice Center Fund” – most actions in District Court now cost an additional $68 for the fund, some as much as another $136 or even $204 each, at any of the various District Courts (22 in all) across Colorado, still miles from the as-yet unbuilt Colorado Judicial Complex.
Even “domestic relations” cases across the state are now more expensive thanks to the ”Justice Center Fund” fees – legal separation, annulment, divorce will each cost another $26; child custody registration or child support order, another $15 just for financing the construction of the massive new judicial complex.
Death in the family? That’ll cost you extra, too – another $15 ”Justice Center Fund” fee for probate filings, estate fees, conservatorship, etc. etc. Anywhere in the state – all of Colorado now enjoys the privilege of contributing to this marvelous new edifice.
Even an “insufficient funds” return check fee for court payments (already $40, which is double what any private entity is allowed to charge) gets another $10 fee tacked on for the ”Justice Center Fund” (truly, adding insult to injury).
Need to fight a case up to a higher court? Pretty much ANY actions at the Colorado Court of Appeals now costs an additional $68 fee for that ”Justice Center Fund.” Water Court? Same story – almost every activity listed incurs an additional $68 for the ”Justice Center Fund” (some activities, such as applying for Change of Water Right or Plan for Augmentation, cost double – $136).
Ironically, the ONLY court where you WON’T have to pay an extra ”Justice Center Fund” fee to pursue justice? You guessed it – the Colorado Supreme Court, who’s “home” is being financed by all these “fees” in the first place.
(View the full list of Colorado Court Fees – featuring the ”Justice Center Fund” fee)
It has been said that “if you’re not outraged, you’re not paying attention.” Since “fees” are only supposed to be charged to offset the cost of providing or administering a voluntarily accessed good or service, the proliferation of new “fees” to finance the construction of palatial new digs for the Colorado Supreme Court – holding the administration of justice at county and District courts across the state hostage to this massive new monument to judicial supremacy – is questionable at best, particularly at a time when state resources are already strained and Colorado Citizens are being forced to cut back on personal spending. Aren’t we supposed to be asked before the government in Colorado can take more of our hard-earned dollars? Perhaps that’s why the Colorado Supreme Court’s majority decision in the 2008 Barber v. Ritter “Fees aren’t really taxes” case – expanding the use of “fees” by government entities across the state as a means of evading constitutional protections against tax increases – carries the taint of self-interest.
Clear The Bench Colorado will, with your support, continue to promote transparency and accountability in the Colorado judiciary, informing the public to increase awareness of the substantial public policy implications of an unrestrained activism and political agendas in the courts. We will continue to work to educate voters and provide information of relevance related to the judicial branch, and to provide useful and substantive evaluations of judicial performance.
However, we can’t do it alone – we need your continued support; via your comments (Sound Off!) and, yes, your contributions. Freedom isn’t free -nor is it always easy to be a Citizen, not a subject.
Ultimately, though – it’s worth the effort.

