Commentary

Colorado Supreme Court hears arguments in Lobato appeal (the “SuperBowl of School Funding Litigation”)

The Colorado Supreme Court heard oral arguments in the resurrected ‘Lobato v. Colorado‘ school funding lawsuit (previously termed the Super Bowl of school funding litigation).
At issue: the constitutionality of Colorado’s system of statewide school funding.
At stake: some $3B additional school funding annually (requested by the plaintiffs), along with an additional $17B in spending on capital construction – and, perhaps even more importantly, a looming constitutional crisis regarding separation of powers and the proper role of the courts in setting taxation and educational policy.

Lobato case argued before the Colorado Supreme Court

(Denver Post, ”Colorado Supreme Court hears arguments in school funding lawsuit” 7 MAR 13)

The Lobato lawsuit was originally filed in 2005; it was rejected at both the trial court level and in the Colorado Court of Appeals before narrowly (4-3) receiving new life in one of the Mullarkey Majority’s final (and most notorious) rulings in October 2009. The Mullarkey Majority overturned lower courts that had held (correctly) that school funding decisions are a matter of policy – not law – and are therefore the job of elected legislators – not appointed judges – to decide.

The 2009 Mullarkey Court ruling sent the case back to the trial court, and two years later (9 December 2011) Denver District Judge Sheila Rappaport issued a 183-page ruling finding for the plaintiffs – which was almost immediately appealed by the state (a bipartisan decision by Governor Hickenlooper and Attorney General Suthers) and joined in the appeal by the State Board of Education).

In oral arguments before the Colorado Supreme Court, Assistant Attorney General Jonathan Fero challenged Rappaport’s finding that the phrase “thorough and uniform education” in Colorado’s Constitution means that “if any students aren’t making it the whole system is irrational” – stating

“Universal achievement cannot be what the constitution requires”

Plaintiffs argued that because some groups show disparate performance, the state’s educational system is not “thorough and uniform” – and allege that shortfalls in educational outcomes are due to the state’s K-12 educational system being underfunded by $3 billion.  As reported in the Alamosa News coverage of the trial (“Supreme Court to consider Lobato case“),

According to the Joint Budget Committee Appropriations Report 2010-11 and the Colorado Attorney General (AG), K-12 in Colorado receives 45.6 percent of the general fund or $3.2 billion of a $6.97 billion general fund.

A Colorado Supreme Court ruling in favor of the plaintiffs would have “devastating consequences” for the state, according to Governor Hickenlooper.  As summarized by the Alamosa News article,

If the plaintiffs were to win, the state would either have to raise taxes by at least 50 percent or have to devote 89 percent of the general fund budget to K-12 funding to meet this obligation, crowding out things such as Medicaid, unemployment assistance, transportation, public safety and higher education

Assistant AG Fero also emphasized that a court mandate to raise taxes or require more spending would intrude upon the legislature’s authority to set policy and violate the constitutionally-defined separation of powers between branches of state government (an issue at the heart of the dissenting opinion in the 2009 ruling, as contemporaneously noted by Clear The Bench Colorado:

The Colorado Constitution directs the General Assembly to “provide for the establishment and maintenance of a thorough and uniform system of free public schools throughout the state,” placing discretionary education questions in Colorado squarely and solely within the legislative ambit. (Lobato v. State of Colorado, dissenting opinion. Emphasis added).

A court ruling in favor of the plaintiffs “could alter the relationship between the people of Colorado and their government for decades to come” – since

One of the plaintiffs’ main arguments is that the Taxpayer Bill of Rights (TABOR) must give way to the education clause so that taxes could be raised and revenues increased to meet the needs of the education clause without a vote of the people.

A ruling by the Colorado Supreme Court asserting primacy of the education clause over TABOR and imposing higher taxes or spending could - as noted by both the attorney general’s office and Governor Hickenlooper – plunge the state into a constitutional crisis:

“Let’s say that the Supreme Court agrees with the district court – if that’s the case, then we’ve got the Constitution versus the Supreme Court.”

Listen to audio of Governor Hickenlooper’s statement on the Lobato appeal

Bottom Line:

This educational-funding lawsuit (seeking to force even higher state educational spending by court order) represents yet another abuse of the courts for the pursuit of political ends – unfortunately aided and abetted by an all-too-complicit (and highly political) majority on the Colorado Supreme Court, which previously (October 2009) overturned two lower courts which had (correctly) dismissed the case (Lobato v. Colorado) as non-justiciable (i.e., a policy issue not to be decided by the courts).

Interestingly, two of the ‘unjust justices’ constituting the majority opinion in October 2009 (Mullarkey and Martinez) are no longer on the state’s highest court, while the 3 opponents of the original ruling remain.  Of the two replacements, one (Marquez) has (appropriately) recused herself from the case, as she had taken part in earlier decisions while representing the state as an assistant attorney general, leaving the balance of power in deciding the case to recently appointed Justice Brian Boatright.  Note that both Justice Boatright and Justice Marquez are subject to a retention vote in 2014.

If the courts are able to decide “the future of public education” by judicial fiat, Colorado citizens will have lost all control and accountability over our schools.

The issue of educational funding is NOT one for the courts, but rather for the legislature and/or local school boards. The Lobato lawsuit is a fiscal, legal, and political disaster in the making.

Read more about the Lobato school funding case in these articles:

The Attorney General’s office has also compiled a list of key pleadings and court decisions in the Lobato case.

Cases such as Lobato – particularly Rappaport’s biased ruling – highlight the importance of fair and impartial courts and of judges who exercise proper restraint (in accordance with the rule of law) in considering – let alone deciding – issues of policy more appropriate for the elected, representative branches of government.  Our courts have an important – even vital – role to play in our society and system of government.  This is not it.

Colorado Court of Appeals reverses lower court, upholds constitutionality of Douglas County School Choice program

The Colorado Court of Appeals reversed a lower court ruling and upheld the constitutionality of the Douglas County School Choice program in a ruling issued today (Thursday, 28 February 2013).

The Colorado Court of Appeals ruling in the case (Court of Appeals Nos. 11CA1856 & 11CA1857, “Taxpayers for Public Education v. Douglas County Board of Education”) struck down the Denver District court ruling that had permanently enjoined implementation of the Douglas County “Choice Scholarship Program” (a program providing scholarships for tuition at private or charter schools of the parents’ choice) on claims that the program violated the Colorado Public School Finance Act of 1994 and various provisions of the Colorado Constitution.  The higher court rejected both the plaintiffs’ standing to bring the suit in the first place, and the plaintiffs’ claims of constitutional violations – a resounding rebuttal to the lower court:

We conclude that plaintiffs do not have standing to seek redress for a claimed violation of the Act, and that the CSP does not violate any of the constitutional provisions on which plaintiffs rely.  Therefore, we reverse the district court’s judgment and remand the case for entry of judgment in defendants’ favor.

The court’s ruling does not come as a surprise (indeed, the Clear The Bench Colorado analysis of last November’s oral arguments before the Court of Appeals forecast a win for the appellants) but the extent of the higher court’s repudiation of Denver District Court Judge Michael Martinez is striking, particularly on the issue of the plaintiffs’ standing to bring suit under the School Finance Act:

The district court recited these factors but did not engage in any substantive analysis of them. Instead, the court conclusorily ruled that certain plaintiffs’ status as District students and parents of District students “confers a legal interest in the enforcement of the statutes enumerated in their claims.” In so ruling, the district court erred.

There is nothing in the language of the Act remotely suggesting that private citizens or groups have a right to seek judicial enforcement of its provisions.

The appeals court addressed – and resoundingly rejected – each of the plaintiffs claims alleging constitutional violations:

For clarity of analysis, we divide plaintiffs’ claims into three groups: (1) claims alleging violations of statutory and constitutional provisions which concern state schools generally – the Act and article IX, sections 2, 3, and 15; (2) claims alleging violations of constitutional provisions which concern aid to or support of religion and religious organizations – article II, section 4, and article IX, sections 7 and 8; and (3) the claim alleging a violation of article V, section 34, which concerns appropriations generally and appropriations to religious organizations specifically.

Claims based on the School Finance Act were rejected due to the plaintiffs lack of standing to bring a complaint in court, as noted above.

Claims that the “Choice Scholarship Program” violated the Colorado Constitution Article IX, Section 2 (“Thorough and Uniform System of Free Public Schools”) were also rejected by the Court of Appeals.

Interestingly, the court affirmed the role and responsibility of the elected school board as the presumptive constitutional authority in determining educational structure and content:

Pursuant to article IX, section 15 of the Colorado Constitution, the General Assembly created local school districts governed by boards of education. The directors of the boards are elected by qualified district electors, and “have control of instruction in the public schools of their respective districts.”

The court broadly rejected the plaintiffs claims of an Article IX Section 2 violation in no uncertain terms:

Plaintiffs misapprehend the constitutional mandate. It requires that a thorough and uniform system of free elementary through high school education be made available to students between the ages of six and twenty-one. See Lujan v. Colo. State Bd. of Educ., 649 P.2d 1005, 1025 (Colo. 1982) (this provision “is satisfied if thorough and uniform educational opportunities are available through state action in each school district”);

It plainly is not violated where a local school district decides to provide educational opportunities in addition to the free system the constitution requires. [emphasis added]

The court similarly rejected claims of a violation of Article IX, Section 3 (“Use of the Public School Fund”):

Article IX, section 3 requires only that money from the public school fund be “expended in the maintenance of the schools of the state” and “distributed amongst the several counties and school districts of the state, in such manner as may be prescribed by law.” It plainly applies to distributions made by the state, not local districts. And it requires distributions to the counties and school districts. Upon distribution by the state to the counties and school districts, the money from the fund belongs to the counties and school districts. Craig v. People in Interest of Hazard, 89 Colo. 139, 144-45, 299 P. 1064, 1066 (1931). [emphasis added]

The court similarly rejected claims of a violation of Article X, Section 15 (“Local Control”):

Further, the provision does not relate to instruction in private schools. As discussed above, participating private schools retain their character as private, not public, schools. It follows that article IX, section 15 does not apply to the CSP.

The court directed a significant amount of attention to plaintiffs claims that the CSP violated constitutional provisions restricting state support of religious institutions – and likewise rejected those claims:

The Colorado Constitution contains a number of provisions addressing the relationship between state government and citizens, on the one hand, and religion generally and religious institutions, on the other hand. Some of these provisions pertain to support for religion and religious institutions. Four are at issue here: article II, section 4; article V, section 34;12 and article IX, sections 7 and 8.

Based on analysis of the Colorado constitutional language alone, the court determined

we conclude that the CSP does not violate any of the subject provisions.

In order:

1. Article II, § 4 – Required Attendance or Support

Citing a similar grant program for higher education, since the CSP was “designed for the benefit of the student, not the educational institution” and “is available to all District students and to any private school which meets the neutral eligibility criteria” it did not violate the constitutional prohibition on state support of religious institutions.  The court further noted that inquiries into “the degree to which religious tenets and beliefs are included in participating private schools’ educational programs – is no longer constitutionally permissible” and, “Doing so violates the First Amendment,” concluding, “Simply put, a government may not choose among eligible institutions “on the basis of intrusive judgments regarding contested questions of religious belief or practice.”

The court rejected the plaintiffs claims that the CSP “required attendance” at religious instruction on its face, stating:

the fact remains that the CSP does not compel anyone to do anything, much less attend religious services. No student is compelled to participate in the CSP or, having been accepted to participate, to attend any particular participating private school. To the extent students would attend religious services, they would do so as a result of parents’ voluntary choices. Article II, section 4 clearly does not proscribe such choices.

2. Article IX, § 7 – No Aid to Religious Organizations

The district court ruled that the CSP violates this provision essentially for the same reasons it found a violation of article II, section 4. And essentially for the same reasons we have concluded that the CSP does not violate article II, section 4, we conclude that it does not violate article IX, section 7.2

Since the CSP “is intended to benefit students and their parents, and any benefit to the participating schools is incidental…”

“Such a remote and incidental benefit does not constitute . . . aid to the institution itself within the meaning of Article IX, Section 7.”  Zelman, 536 U.S. at 652

The court noted that “The CSP is neutral toward religion,and funds make their way to private schools with religious affiliation by means of personal choices of students’ parents.”

The majority opinion even gets in a dig at the dissenting opinion on this issue:

That reasoning, which is typical of the reasoning in the cases on which the dissent relies, is flatly at odds with our supreme court’s reasoning in Americans United, in which the court deemed the neutral character of the grant programs as essentially determinative.

3. Article IX, § 8 – Religion in Public Schools

The Court of Appeals noted that “this provision plainly applies to “public educational institution[s]” and “public school[s]” and rejected the district court’s (and plaintiffs) convoluted attempts to construct a public character for the private schools within the CSP.

The district court failed sufficiently to account for the fact that attendance at any of the participating private schools is not required by the CSP; such attendance is by parental choice. Moreover, as discussed above, participation in the CSP does not transform private schools into public schools.

Finally, the court’s ruling addressed plaintiffs’ claims that other constitutional provisions were violated by the school choice program.

The Denver District court ruling held that the CSP violated the Colorado Constitution’s Article V, § 34 – Prohibited Appropriations by interpreting a payment of state funds to private schools as an “appropriation” to “entities not under absolute state control” – including entities with a religious character.  The Court of Appeals rejected the district court judge’s reasoning, noting that “[t]he district court misconstrued the provision.”

Article V, section 34 is part of article V of the Colorado Constitution, which deals with the structure and powers of the General Assembly. See, e.g., art. V, § 1(1). Article V includes two provisions dealing with appropriations, sections 32 and 34. The appropriations encompassed by those sections clearly are appropriations by the General Assembly itself.

Since the funds are actually allocated by the school district, NOT the state directly,

No such disbursement would occur under the CSP. The General Assembly appropriates state money for elementary and secondary education to the Colorado Department of Education, which in turn distributes it to local school districts in the form of total per pupil revenue. At that point, ownership of the funds passes to the local school districts. Craig, 89 Colo. at 144-45, 299 P. at 1066; see § 22-54-104(1)(a). The District’s expenditure of funds under the CSP, therefore, does not constitute an appropriation by the General Assembly.

Since “the purpose of the [CSP] is to aid students and parents, not sectarian institutions.”

Any benefit to the participating private school is incidental, occasioned by the individual choices of students’ parents.

Conclusion:

Plaintiffs failed to carry their burden of proving the unconstitutionality of the CSP beyond a reasonable doubt, or by any other potentially applicable standard. None of them have standing to assert a claim under the Act. Accordingly, the district court’s judgment cannot stand.

The judgment is reversed, and the case is remanded to the district court for entry of judgment in defendants’ favor.

Since both sides in the case have signaled their intent to appeal if not satisfied with the verdict, the ultimate resolution of the case will fall to the Colorado Supreme Court – most likely (the wheels of justice grind slowly) in another year or more.

 Additional References:

Clear The Bench Colorado‘s analysis of oral arguments before the Colorado Court of Appeals
(20 November 2012)

For another analysis of last November’s oral arguments (with more emphasis on policy implications over legal issues), read Education Policy Analyst Ben DeGrow’s superb summary.

Click here for a comprehensive review of the Douglas County Choice Scholarship Program (including program information, video and audio interview and news clips, news and commentary highlights and links to many legal documents in the case)

Bottom Line:
The Douglas County case also touches upon important constitutional issues such the separation of powers between branches and levels of government, establishment of religion, and collection and allocation of tax dollars, but ultimately comes down to a very basic and fundamental issue:
who decides how to educate Colorado’s children?

Clear The Bench Colorado believes that the decision should be in the hands of parents – NOT in the hands of the courts.

Cases such as this highlight the importance of fair and impartial courts and of judges who exercise proper restraint (in accordance with the rule of law) in considering (let alone deciding) issues of policy more appropriate for the elected, representative branches of government.  Our courts have an important – even vital – role to play in our society and system of government.  This is not it.

Clear The Bench Colorado will, with your support, continue to promote transparency and accountability in the Colorado judiciary, informing the public to increase awareness of the substantial public policy implications of an unrestrained activism and political agendas in the courts.  We will continue to work to educate voters and provide information of relevance related to the judicial branch, and to provide useful and substantive evaluations of judicial performance.

However, we can’t do it alone –  we need your continued support; via your comments (Sound Off!) and, yes, your contributions.  Freedom isn’t free -nor is it always easy to be a Citizen, not a subject.

Ultimately, though – it’s worth the effort.

The Colorado Car Tax – er, ‘FASTER’ “vehicle registration fee” increase – court challenge moves forward

The Colorado Car Tax (er, “vehicle registration fee”) increase passed in 2009 (SB108, the so-called “FASTER” bill) is quite possibly THE most unpopular tax increase in Colorado history – made all the more repugnant by how it became law (exploiting a 2008 Colorado Supreme Court ruling which declared that “fees” don’t count as “taxes” to circumvent the constitutional requirement (under Colorado Constitution Article X, Section 20 – Taxpayer’s Bill of Rights, a.k.a. TABOR) to receive prior voter approval for any ‘policy change resulting in net revenue gain’ to the state).

After two years of legislative inaction failed to repeal or roll back the unconstitutional and unpopular tax increase, the ‘FASTER’ Colorado Car Tax is being challenged in court as a violation of the Colorado state Constitution (specifically, Colorado Constitution Article X, Section 20 – Taxpayer’s Bill of Rights, TABOR).

The most recent development in the case (the ‘FASTER’ lawsuit was initially filed in May 2012) occurred last week with the filing of a ”Plaintiff’s Motion for Summary Judgment” in the case (a motion for summary judgment is filed based on the existing documentary record prior to trial claiming that all factual and legal issues can be decided in the moving party’s favor).

The Plaintiff’s Motion documents the fact that the “”Colorado Bridge Enterprise” established under the FASTER legislation as a “TABOR-exempt business enterprise” (Ed. – see, “Life in the FASTER Lane – updates on the Colorado Car Tax“) fails to meet the constitutional standard to qualify for exemption from TABOR requirements, on two main grounds:

A. The CBE Does Not Function As A Business Because It Has The Power To Levy A General Tax; and
B. The CBE Receives More Than Ten Percent Of Annual Revenue In Grants From CDOT
(including a $14.4M grant and the “gift” of 56 bridges from the Colorado Dep’t Of Transportation)

The Motion makes it crystal clear that the CBE “was created for the sole purpose of attempting to circumvent TABOR.”

Under FASTER, the CBE has forced Coloradans to pay “bridge safety surcharge” taxes approaching $100 million annually, without seeking the voter approval required by TABOR. See CBE 2010 Annual Report (“2010 Annual Report”) at 3.1 The CBE has also issued $300 million in new government bonds, again without a TABOR-required vote of the people.  By taking these actions without a vote of the people, defendants have violated the rights of [Coloradans] to vote on the imposition of new taxes and debt, as guaranteed by TABOR.

The Motion further documents the self-evident statement that

The CBE is not a business enterprise exempt from TABOR because it generates revenue by levying a general tax, rather than by engaging in market transactions. TABOR-exempt enterprises may not levy taxes, because “[t]he ability to levy general taxes is inconsistent with the characteristics of a business.”

The purported “business” character of the CBE is belied by how it “makes” money:

The CBE’s revenue is not derived from “market exchanges taking place in a competitive, arms-length manner,” but rather from the bridge safety surcharge—a compulsory tax collected without regard to any benefits conferred to payers.

Calling the Colorado Car Tax a “fee” is also belied by the nature of how it is levied, on whom, and who “benefits” from the charge; calling it a “fee”

does not comport with reality because the surcharge shares none of the characteristics of a fee as defined by the Colorado Supreme Court and is not levied to provide “a specific service to the persons upon whom the fee is imposed and at rates reasonably calculated based on the benefits received by such persons.”

The surcharge is therefore a tax, and not a fee.

Colorado taxpayers have been forced to pay literally $100 Million per year in additional ‘FASTER’ taxes (under the label of “fees”) while simultaneously becoming obligated for over $300 Million in debt – all without a vote of the people, as required under Colorado’s Constitution.

The lawsuit seeks to prevent “continued enforcement and maintenance of the bridge safety surcharge” (i.e. stop the illegal collection of a portion of the Colorado Car Tax) and require that “all “[r]evenue collected, kept, or spent illegally” be refunded” – as mandated under the Colorado Constitution.

Now THAT would be a welcome “tax refund” for all Coloradans.

Clear The Bench Colorado will, with your support, continue to promote transparency and accountability in the Colorado judiciary, informing the public to increase awareness of the substantial public policy implications of an unrestrained activism and political agendas in the courts.  We will continue to work to educate voters and provide information of relevance related to the judicial branch, and to provide useful and substantive evaluations of judicial performance.

However, we can’t do it alone –  we need your continued support; via your comments (Sound Off!) and, yes, your contributions.  Freedom isn’t free -nor is it always easy to be a Citizen, not a subject.

Ultimately, though – it’s worth the effort.

 

Colorado Legislators, CUT (Colorado Union of Taxpayers) file Amicus Brief opposing “Fenster’s Folly” frivolous anti-TABOR lawsuit

The frivolous, groundless, and vexatious politically-motivated lawsuit attempting to overturn a Colorado Constitutional Amendment (the Taxpayer’s Bill of Rights, colloquially known as “TABOR”) filed in Federal court in May 2011 – and, after several rounds of motions and counter-motions, allowed to proceed to trial in July 2012 (despite clear constitutional precedent disallowing challenges on the basis of the “Guarantee Clause”) – entered a new phase today with the filing of an Amicus (“friend of court”) brief in the state’s interlocutory appeal to the 10th Circuit Court of Appeals.

The Amicus Brief, filed by Colorado legislators and the Colorado Union of Taxpayers (CUT) in opposition to the frivolous Fenster lawsuit, challenges the plaintiffs’ (several anti-TABOR current and former state legislators) lack of standing to file, underlines the fact that the lawsuit’s claims present a “nonjusticiable political question” and highlights the importance of preserving the separation of powers that could be jeopardized by a court ruling striking down the TABOR constitutional amendment.

Some key points:

  • The General Assembly’s power to propose taxes has always been subject to numerous constitutional limitations, qualifications, and exemptions.
  • And the people retain ultimate veto authority over all acts of the General Assembly, including taxation and spending.

Id. art. V, § 1 (“The legislative power of the state shall be vested in the general assembly . . . but the people reserve to themselves the power . . . at their own option to approve or reject at the polls any act or item, section, or part of any act of the general assembly.”).

  • TABOR’s primary restraint on the legislature is procedural, not substantive. … It is this element of democratic accountability and constitutional restraint that Plaintiffs challenge in this litigation.4
  • The district court erred by determining that the claims here, all based on the Guarantee Clause, do not present a nonjusticiable political question.8

Where the Guarantee Clause is concerned, the Supreme Court has twice unequivocally shut the courthouse doors, in order to prevent “the inconceivable expansion of the judicial power and the ruinous destruction of legislative authority in matters purely political which would necessarily be occasioned by giving sanction to” Guarantee Clause claims in federal court. Pacific States Telephone & Telegraph Co. v. State of Oregon, 223 U.S. 118, 141 (1912); see also Luther v. Borden, 48 U.S. 1, 42 1849).9 The district court brushed aside these precedents because it considered them fact-bound. Neither opinion supports such a conclusion.10

  • If the district court were to conclude that TABOR renders the Colorado Constitution unrepublican, that judgment “would necessarily affect the validity, not only of the particular statute which is before us, but of every other statute passed in [Colorado] since the adoption of [TABOR].”  Pacific States, 223 U.S. at 141. The Constitution vests Congress with the sole authority to judge whether the Guarantee Clause has been satisfied in order to avoid the constitutional crisis that would result from enlisting the federal courts.
  • The concept of justiciability, whether embodied in the standing or political question doctrines, is intended to preserve the separation of powers. … This fundamental concern about the “the proper—and properly limited—role of the courts in a democratic society,” Allen, 468 U.S. at 751, makes swift dismissal of the instant case critically important.
  • The doctrine of separation of powers applies particularly to the judicial branch, preventing it from involving itself in potentially political disputes.

As previously noted, the lawsuit is lacking in legal merit, and constitutional case law precedent (including two relevant Supreme Court of the United States [SCOTUS] decisions, as also noted earlier) is clear that the “Republican form of government” language in the Constitution’s “Guarantee Clause” (United States Constitution, Article IV, Section 4 – “The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of Government“) is non-justiciable (meaning, not subject to determination by the courts).  Constitutional constraints on government are, by definition, constitutionally allowed – failing to dismiss this clearly frivolous lawsuit would cost Colorado taxpayers hundreds of thousands in legal fees and costs, and will almost certainly ultimately end up before the United States Supreme Court since overturning a state constitutional amendment by judicial fiat would have immense implications for the citizens’ initiative process and the right of the people to limit government power by constitutional limits nationwide.

If “We The People” cannot set constitutional limits on government power, then the very founding principles of this nation – indeed, the foundations of Liberty itself – are at risk.

Reference state’s Motion to Dismiss Plaintiffs’ Substitute Complaint (which was filed back in August by Governor Hickenlooper and Attorney General Suthers – also, analysis of the state’s Motion to Dismiss).

Additional references:
A more detailed (and highly informative) discussion of the constitutionality of the citizen initiative and referendum processes may be found in the Texas Law Review article, “A Republic, Not a Democracy?  Initiative, Referendum, and the Constitution’s Guarantee Clause” by Professor Robert G. Natelson.

Clear The Bench Colorado will, with your support, continue to promote transparency and accountability in the Colorado judiciary, informing the public to increase awareness of the substantial public policy implications of an unrestrained activism and political agendas in the courts.  We will continue to work to educate voters and provide information of relevance related to the judicial branch, and to provide useful and substantive evaluations of judicial performance.

However, we can’t do it alone –  we need your continued support; via your comments (Sound Off!) and, yes, your contributions.  Freedom isn’t free -nor is it always easy to be a Citizen, not a subject.

Ultimately, though – it’s worth the effort.

Colorado State University follows University of Colorado lead in implementing “mini-Gun-Ban” via “waiver” of legal rights

Following the March 2012 Colorado Supreme Court ruling which rejected the University of Colorado’s ban of licensed concealed-carry of firearms on campus (the “CU Gun Ban”), the University of Colorado (after face-saving public meetings to solicit community input – the recommendations of which were ignored) implemented policies designed to end-run the court’s ruling and maintain as much of a “gun ban” in place as possible, under the guise of “contractual stipulations” in student housing and campus event ticketing policies.

Despite citizen input and legal advice advising the university against imposing a limited gun ban, the CU administration – supported by a majority of Regents on the governing oversight Board – proceeded with implementing policies in violation of the court’s ruling and state statute on the universal application of concealed-carry permits:

The court upheld the Colorado Court of Appeals April 2010 ruling that the CU gun ban policy violates “the clear letter and intent of the statute authorizing statewide standards and universal application for concealed-carry permits:”

18-12-214. Authority granted by permit – carrying restrictions.

(1) (a) A permit to carry a concealed handgun authorizes the permittee to carry a concealed handgun in all areas of the state, except as specifically limited in this section.

As Clear The Bench Colorado warned last summer, allowing CU’s “mini-Gun-Ban” policies to stand – getting people to sign away legal rights as a condition of receiving a good or service – sets a dangerous precedent likely to be copied by other institutions (and applied to other areas of activity).

Recent news of similar policies now being implemented at Colorado State University confirm the validity of that warning.

The CSU Health Network (providing healthcare services for CSU students, staff, and faculty) recently promulgated a set of policies seeking to impose a waiver of legal rights as a condition of receiving medical treatment:

All rights under any state or federal law or constitutional related to the use or possession of firearms (i.e. U.S. Constitution, Second Amendment) are voluntarily and expressly waived in exchange for treatment at the Health Network. Failure to comply with this prohibition may result in further action under applicable law or University disciplinary procedures.

The CSU policies follow the same model first promulgated by the University of Colorado – seeking to impose a waiver of legal rights under terms of a “service contract”, as “a condition of receiving services”:

All persons accessing services through the CSU Health Network engage in a treatment agreement with health care providers.

The CSU policies specifically target the legal rights of concealed-carry weapons permit holders:

This prohibition includes all weapons possessed by persons with a lawful permit to carry a concealed firearm pursuant to C.R.S. 18-12-201 et. seq.

Our state’s leading institutions of higher education – beneficiaries of both direct (via higher education general fund expenditures) and indirect (via student loan, grant, and College Opportunity Fund tuition subsidies) taxpayer spending – are violating state law and the legal rights of Colorado citizens.

Campus Gun Ban policies needlessly endanger the safety of students, staff, faculty, and visitors by putting them at greater risk of violence, as  ”gun free zone” = “target-rich environment” for criminals.

Allowing responsible adults to exercise a fundamental constitutional right – affirming the right of licensed adult concealed-carry permit holders to responsibly exercise their inherent right of armed self-defense – is not only good law, it is good policy.

Clear The Bench Colorado will, with your support, continue to promote transparency and accountability in the Colorado judiciary, informing the public to increase awareness of the substantial public policy implications of an unrestrained activism and political agendas in the courts.  We will continue to work to educate voters and provide information of relevance related to the judicial branch, and to provide useful and substantive evaluations of judicial performance.

However, we can’t do it alone –  we need your continued support; via your comments (Sound Off!) and, yes, your contributions.  Freedom isn’t free -nor is it always easy to be a Citizen, not a subject.

Ultimately, though – it’s worth the effort.

 

 

Colorado Supreme Court Chief Justice Bender delivers final ‘State of the Judiciary’ address before Colorado legislature

Colorado Supreme Court Chief Justice Michael Bender delivered his final ‘State of the Judiciary’ address before the Colorado legislature on Friday (11 January 2013).
[Justice Bender faces mandatory retirement as he reaches the age of 72 next year]

Justice Bender’s speech [read full text here] addressed 3 major themes:

  1. the importance of citizen’s trust in the rule of law in our democracy.
  2. the way in which the judicial branch in Colorado furthers the rule of law for our citizens.
  3. the importance for the courts and the legal community to understand the needs of the public they serve and to collaborate to create programs that address those needs.

Justice Bender’s opening remarks are notable for his nod to principle:

Trust in the rule of law distinguishes our society from many others around the world. When the blind Chinese lawyer and activist, Chen Guangcheng, was allowed to leave China to study in the United States, he noted that China does not lack laws, but it lacks the rule of law. The legitimacy of government depends on the fair, impartial, and reliable administration of the laws.

Courts serve the people of the state by resolving disputes, protecting individual rights, and delivering justice in criminal and civil cases. To ensure a just society Courts must tailor the fair, effective, and efficient delivery of justice to fit each individual case. This mission requires us not only to reach a fair and just outcome but also to do so in a way that is perceived as being fair to all sides. The perception of fairness is as important as the fairness of the outcome.

Clear The Bench Colorado not only embraces, but actively advances the principle of “rule of law” – but notes that Chen Guangcheng’s description of China (as a nation that “does not lack laws, but it lacks the rule of law”) might be taken to apply equally to what’s becoming of the United States.

Justice Bender claims that the Colorado judiciary “reflects [Daniel] Webster’s ideal” – that

“justice is the great interest of man on earth. It is the ligament which binds civilized beings and civilized nations together.”

As evidence, he cites “[T]hree features [that] distinguish our judiciary”

    1. strong bipartisan support from the General Assembly
    2. central financing of courts and probation systems
    3. non-partisan merit-based selection process and “rigorous” evaluation of judicial performance by “independent” commissions.

However, Bender presents a flimsy case for an “ideal” Colorado judiciary.

“Bipartisan” support and central financing are irrelevant to whether (or not) the judiciary achieves the standard of “fairness” and upholds the rule of law.

Moreover, Colorado’s “merit-based” judicial selection process falls short of achieving the standards of transparency and accountability we should expect from our vitally important 3rd branch of government, and remains controlled by legal-establishment special interests out of public view.

Even worse, Colorado’s official system of evaluating judicial performance is anything but “rigorous” – the evaluation commissions, having no requirement for partisan balance (in contrast to the judicial selection commissions) are not infrequently dominated by one party and/or by special-interest groups, giving rise to charges of bias, and more broadly panned for failure to provide substantive evaluations of judicial performance, as noted in this commentary by a former performance review commissioner:

There has been a failure of real performance evaluation and a lack of analytical content in the write-ups for the voters.  If narratives provide meaningful information about how a justice has decided cases, there will be accountability and the system will work as it is designed to do.  Too often in the past, narratives have amounted to complimentary resumes instead of job performance evaluations.  Some commentators and observers have denigrated the narratives as a “rubber stamp” exercise for retaining judges.

Chief Justice Bender wrapped up his address by listing a number of initiatives that “tap into existing community resources and sometimes private dollars to leverage public funding,” including an increase of “problem-solving courts” (from 61 to 72), a “civil action pilot program” for resolution of business disputes, along with some personnel and administrative efficiencies achieved statewide  (including a court-run civil e-filing system).  He closed with effusive praise for the legislature’s “bipartisan support” for the new Colorado Judicial Center – funded by taxpayers to the tune of $258M by a combination of debt (er, “non-debt”) and new “fees” to access the courts.

Actions speak louder than words; and although Bender’s speech gives lip service to the primacy of the rule of law, his actions on the bench have demonstrated the opposite.  Indeed, Bender has been one of the most egregious perpetrators of putting personal views (his own) above the letter of the law.

The contrast between rhetoric and reality is the true “State of the Judiciary” in Colorado.

Clear The Bench Colorado will, with your support, continue to promote transparency and accountability in the Colorado judiciary, informing the public to increase awareness of the substantial public policy implications of an unrestrained activism and political agendas in the courts.  We will continue to work to educate voters and provide information of relevance related to the judicial branch, and to provide useful and substantive evaluations of judicial performance.

However, we can’t do it alone –  we need your continued support; via your comments (Sound Off!) and, yes, your contributions.  Freedom isn’t free -nor is it always easy to be a Citizen, not a subject.

Ultimately, though – it’s worth the effort.

2012 Year in Review: Colorado Courts Continue to Play Politics

Colorado Courts Continue to Play Politics in 2012…

Another tumultuous year has come and gone for the Colorado judiciary – and once again, Colorado Citizens and taxpayers have been hammered by the gavels of Colorado judges pounding their personal preferences over the will of the people – and the rule of law.

2012 saw the advancement of a  frivolous, groundless, and vexatious politically-motivated lawsuit  attempting to overturn a Colorado Constitutional Amendment (the Taxpayer’s Bill of Rights, colloquially known as “TABOR”) through the Federal courts (with oral arguments on a Motion to Dismiss in February, and proceeding to trial on a ruling in July).  The District Court judge still has not issued a ruling in the case, but whatever the ruling, the case is almost certain to be appealed, and may ultimately end up before the U.S. Supreme Court.

Some good news came from the Colorado judiciary in March, as the Colorado Supreme Court upheld the Colorado Court of Appeals in striking down the CU Gun Ban.  Unfortunately, the University of Colorado administration introduced policies designed to circumvent the ruling shortly thereafter, and the self-defense rights of Colorado citizens within the CU demesne continue to be threatened with the backing of many (if not most) of the CU Regents.

More good news in April, as a (Federal) court struck down Colorado’s unconstitutional “Amazon Tax” (as predicted by Clear The Bench Colorado Director Matt Arnold in testimony before its passage in 2010).

In May, the Colorado Car Tax (a.k.a. FASTER vehicle registration “fee”) was challenged in court as a violation of the state Constitution (the case is still winding its way through the courts).

In September, the Colorado Supreme Court rejected Ward Churchill’s attempt to force the University of Colorado to reinstate him (Churchill recently announced his intent to appeal all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court).

Clear The Bench Colorado helped Colorado voters to “Know Your Judge” with substantive evaluations of judicial performance prior to the November elections – the ONLY source of reliable, substantive information on judges appearing on the ballot.

Remaining statewide elections were significantly impacted (if not effectively pre-determined outright) by the results of the Colorado Supreme Court’s December 2011 rulings on the reapportionment of state legislative districts – leading to lopsided majorities for Democrats in both chambers of the state legislature, despite actually receiving fewer votes overall.

Colorado courts continued to be a central battlefield for Education policy, as the ‘Lobato’ case advanced to the Colorado Supreme Court in the “Super Bowl of school funding litigation” and the Douglas County school choice voucher program case advanced to the Colorado Court of Appeals.  (Interestingly, the Denver District Court judges involved in each case – Judge Sheila Rappaport in the ‘Lobato’ case, and Judge Michael Martinez in the Douglas County school choice case – are both scheduled to appear on the 2014 ballot).

Cases such as Lobato (particularly Rappaport’s biased ruling) and the politicized nature of the court’s involvement in the congressional redistricting and state legislative reapportionment cases – highlight the importance of fair and impartial courts and of judges who exercise proper restraint (in accordance with the rule of law) in considering – let alone deciding – issues of policy more appropriate for the elected, representative branches of government.  Our courts have an important – even vital – role to play in our society and system of government. Deciding issues of policy – instead of fairly and impartially upholding the law – is not it.

Clear The Bench Colorado will, with your support, continue to promote transparency and accountability in the Colorado judiciary, informing the public to increase awareness of the substantial public policy implications of an unrestrained activism and political agendas in the courts.  We will continue to work to educate voters and provide information of relevance related to the judicial branch, and to provide useful and substantive evaluations of judicial performance.

However, we can’t do it alone –  we need your continued support; via your comments (Sound Off!) and, yes, your contributions.  Freedom isn’t free -nor is it always easy to be a Citizen, not a subject.

Ultimately, though – it’s worth the effort.

Merry Christmas from Clear The Bench Colorado!

Merry Christmas from Clear The Bench Colorado!

nola_christmas

In the spirit of the season today, no commentary or analysis on Colorado Supreme Court rulings that have taken money out of your pocketeroded your constitutional rights, or usurped the powers of other branches of government.  No comparisons of the Mullarkey Majority to the Grinch Who Stole Christmas

Matt and celebrity spokespup Nola (above) just want to wish everyone a happy time at their not-yet-seized-by-eminent-domain homes and a safe, painless drive in their FASTER-taxed cars to Grandma’s house (assuming she can still afford the increased taxes to live there, for now and in Christmas future).  Be merry and don’t think about taxes for now (although they’ll beat you up if you don’t hand it over).

Enjoy your Christmas present, but please act to save your Christmas future -

Continue to support Clear The Bench Colorado with comments (Sound Off!) and contributions.
Freedom isn’t free – nor is it always easy to be a Citizen, not a subject.

Ultimately, though – it’s worth the effort.

Friday Funnies: …and a Leftist Judiciary! (reprise, again)

Welcome to the 2012 Christmas edition of the Clear The Bench Colorado Friday Funnies!

Another tumultuous year has come and gone for the Colorado judiciary – and once again, Colorado Citizens and taxpayers have been hammered by the gavels of Colorado judges pounding their personal preferences over the will of the people – and the rule of law.

Last year closed with Colorado courts deciding the boundaries for Congressional districts (after the state senate reprised the 2000 playbook of abdicating responsibility to send it to the courts) and state legislative districts (following the Colorado Reapportionment Commission’s public hearings on re-setting the boundaries of our state legislative districts over the summer), both of which played a prominent role in determining Colorado’s electoral destiny in 2012.

Colorado courts were also a central battlefield for Education policy, as one Denver District judge threw out Douglas County’s attempts to enable greater school choice, and another Denver District judge declared the state system of funding schools “unconscionable” while advancing the power of the courts to determine “proper” levels of school funding (despite the Constitution’s delegation of that power to the legislative branch) – although that decision is likely to be overturned after an expensive – and long - appeal to the Colorado Supreme Court.

The first stages of the court appeal seeking to preserve school choice concluded last month (Nov 2012) with oral arguments before the Colorado Court of Appeals (a ruling by the 3-judge panel isn’t expected until early next year, most likely late January or February).

Meanwhile, the ‘Lobato’ school funding lawsuit – called the “Super Bowl of school funding litigation” – continues to slog its way through the courts as well.

Earlier in the year, after two years of legislative inaction failed to repeal or roll back the unconstitutional and unpopular tax increase, the ‘FASTER’ Colorado Car Tax was challenged in court as a violation of the Colorado state Constitution (specifically, Article X, Section 20 – Taxpayer’s Bill of Rights, TABOR).

Another, wider-ranging challenge to TABOR is still being fought out in Federal court: the notorious “Fenster’s Folly” frivolous anti-TABOR lawsuit (which not only challenges TABOR in particular, but more generally citizens’ right to petition under a flawed reading of the “republican form of government” language in the Constitution’s “Guarantee Clause” (United States Constitution, Article IV, Section 4 – “The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of Government“) which multiple U.S. Supreme Court cases have ruled non-justiciable (meaning, not subject to determination by the courts).

One major ruling by the Colorado Supreme Court DID uphold the law – and the rights of Colorado citizens – when striking down the University of Colorado’s illegal gun ban (March 2012).  Unfortunately,  the CU administration (backed by the CU Board of Regents) moved almost immediately to circumvent the court’s ruling and continue to violate state law by promulgating policies banning guns in certain areas (not authorized by statute) and additional gun ban legislation (unfortunately backed by many on the CU Board of Regents) to further restrict and roll back hard-fought self-defense rights is coming.

Finally, to close out the year, the Colorado Supreme Court and Court of Appeals moved into the palatial new ‘Colorado Judicial Center’ (at significant taxpayer expense and incurring massive new “non-debt” debt, without required voter approval) just one week before closing for the holidays.

All of these issues were comprehensively documented by Clear The Bench Colorado over the last year – while the “mass media” and the majority of the state’s “news” organizations gave them short shrift.

Clear The Bench Colorado also continued the public service of providing comprehensive, well-referenced evaluations of judicial performance in 2012 – again, in contrast to the “official” taxpayer-funded “Blue Book” rubberstamp “reviews” disseminated at great expense (and, when put out at polling locations, in violation of state law) by the Colorado Office of Judicial Performance Evaluation.

Although remaining mindful that what’s at stake – holding our judiciary accountable for serial violations of our constitutional rights (to vote on taxes, even when taxes are called “fees”defend our property against unjust seizurebear arms in self-defense; and too many others to list) is serious business, all work and no play makes Matty a dull boy.

Although still awaiting payment over two year later after “Colorado Ethics Watch” (CEW, pronounced “sue” – it’s what they do) was once again ordered to pay Clear The Bench Colorado thousands of $ in legal fees (owed since the judge’s original ruling in July 2010 found CEW’s complaint to be “frivolous, groundless, & vexatious”) brings a rueful chuckle, the following video (even if focused on the national level) elicited a hearty laugh:

…and a Leftist Judiciary!

While still afflicted with the (black-robed) ghosts of Christmas past in our Christmas present, we can still act to save our Christmas future. Continue to support Clear The Bench Colorado with comments (Sound Off!) and contributions. Freedom isn’t free – nor is it always easy to be a Citizen, not a subject.

Ultimately, though – it’s worth the effort.

Colorado Supreme Court, Court of Appeals move into palatial new digs at the Ralph L. Carr Colorado Judicial Center

The Colorado Supreme Court and Colorado Court of Appeals take up residence in a brand-new, multi-million dollar facility a block away from the Colorado Capitol today (Wednesday, 19 December 2012) -
a mere two days before the “end of the world” supposedly “predicted” by the Mayan calendar.

The new “Judicial Center” is an impressive edifice (as shown in the picture below and in a photo gallery, both published by the Denver Post last week).

 

The demolition of the old court building in August 2010 was heralded by the Denver Post with another impressive front-page photo under the headline, “Make Room for Justice!“ along with a story inside (“Denver & The West” section – Colorado judicial building puts on show, disappears).  Interestingly, although the Post article noted the cost of the demolition ($850,000) it completely failed to mention the cost of the replacement “judicial complex” (possibly out of concern for the sensibilities of the Post’s largest paying tenant – the Colorado Supreme Court paid the Denver Newspaper Agency $1.6 Million per year over the last three years for their temporary ‘digs’ while the new complex was being built).

Interestingly, almost every other contemporary news report DID mention the cost to taxpayers
($258 million).

“Make Room for Justice” or “Justice Held For Ransom?”

Unfortunately, NONE of the news coverage provided any information on just where all of this money to fund the massive new “judicial complex” came from (ultimately, of course, from your pockets – but the details are interesting).

Part of the funding for the project (authorized back during the 2008 legislative session under SB08-206 State Justice Center) came from an unprecedented expansion in use of “Certificates of Participation” (in the words of a state legislator who shall remain nameless, “debt pretending not to be debt”).    In fact, the legislative language specifies that the debt is simply re-defined as ‘not-debt’ by declaring that

the obligations shall not be deemed or construed as creating an indebtedness of the state within the meaning of any provision of the state constitution or the laws of the state of Colorado concerning or limiting the creation of indebtedness by the state of Colorado and shall not constitute a multiple fiscal-year direct or indirect debt or other financial obligation of the state within the meaning of section 20 (4) of article X of the state constitution. [SB08-206, Section 2, (2) (b), page 5]

Former Colorado Treasurer Cary Kennedy was so proud of the ‘not-debt’ incurred to finance the construction of the new judicial complex (and new state history museum) that she trumpeted the great ‘success’ in a press release:

The successful financing of over $338 million in Certificates of Participation earlier today to build the new Colorado History Center and the Ralph L. Carr Justice Complex completed one of the largest sales of Build America Bonds to date, announced State Treasurer Cary Kennedy

“Crazy on Court Fees”

However, by far the greatest proportion of funding for the new judicial complex comes in the form of increasing the cost of access to justice by Colorado citizens due to substantial increases (including the creation of an entirely new category – the “Justice Center Fund” fee) in court fees.

Want to file a case in civil court, defend yourself against a claim, petition to change your name, or request a civil protection order?  It’ll cost you an extra $37 for the “Justice Center Fund” – per filing.  Small claims court filings?  An extra $11 for the “Justice Center Fund”, thank you.

Oh, and that’s just in your local county court – which may be hundreds of miles away from the recently completed “Mullarkey Monument” (actually, even the legislature reportedly balked at naming the center after Mullarkey when some legislators dug in their heels and insisted upon another name; honoring former Republican Governor Ralph L. Carr – truly, a principled politician – but naming the center after him is a rather ironic twist).  Need access to justice at the District Court level or higher?  Be prepared to cough up even more in “fees” for the ”Justice Center Fund” – most actions in District Court now cost an additional $68 for the fund, some as much as another $136 or even $204 each, at any of the various District Courts (22 in all) across Colorado, still miles from the as-yet unbuilt Colorado Judicial Complex.

Even “domestic relations” cases across the state are now more expensive thanks to the ”Justice Center Fund” fees – legal separation, annulment, divorce will each cost another $26; child custody registration or child support order, another $15 just for financing the construction of the massive new judicial complex.

Death in the family?  That’ll cost you extra, too – another $15 ”Justice Center Fund” fee for probate filings, estate fees, conservatorship, etc. etc.  Anywhere in the state – all of Colorado now enjoys the privilege of contributing to this marvelous new edifice.

Even an “insufficient funds” return check fee for court payments (already $40, which is double what any private entity is allowed to charge) gets another $10 fee tacked on for the ”Justice Center Fund” (truly, adding insult to injury).

Need to fight a case up to a higher court?  Pretty much ANY actions at the Colorado Court of Appeals now costs an additional $68 fee for that ”Justice Center Fund.”  Water Court?  Same story – almost every activity listed incurs an additional $68 for the ”Justice Center Fund” (some activities, such as applying for Change of Water Right or Plan for Augmentation, cost double – $136).

Ironically, the ONLY court where you WON’T have to pay an extra ”Justice Center Fund” fee to pursue justice?  You guessed it – the Colorado Supreme Court, who’s “home” is being financed by all these “fees” in the first place.

(View the full list of Colorado Court Fees – featuring the ”Justice Center Fund” fee)

It has been said that “if you’re not outraged, you’re not paying attention.”  Since “fees” are only supposed to be charged to offset the cost of providing or administering a voluntarily accessed good or service, the proliferation of new “fees” to finance the construction of palatial new digs for the Colorado Supreme Court – holding the administration of justice at county and District courts across the state hostage to this massive new monument to judicial supremacy – is questionable at best, particularly at a time when state resources are already strained and Colorado Citizens are being forced to cut back on personal spending.  Aren’t we supposed to be asked before the government in Colorado can take more of our hard-earned dollars?  Perhaps that’s why the Colorado Supreme Court’s majority decision in the 2008 Barber v. Ritter “Fees aren’t really taxes” case – expanding the use of “fees” by government entities across the state as a means of evading constitutional protections against tax increases – carries the taint of self-interest.

Clear The Bench Colorado will, with your support, continue to promote transparency and accountability in the Colorado judiciary, informing the public to increase awareness of the substantial public policy implications of an unrestrained activism and political agendas in the courts.  We will continue to work to educate voters and provide information of relevance related to the judicial branch, and to provide useful and substantive evaluations of judicial performance.

However, we can’t do it alone –  we need your continued support; via your comments (Sound Off!) and, yes, your contributions.  Freedom isn’t free -nor is it always easy to be a Citizen, not a subject.

Ultimately, though – it’s worth the effort.

 

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